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Donelson Campaign Sources 

Supplementing Volume 7 

of the Official Records of the Union and 

Confederate Armies in the 

War of the Rebellion 



H . ^ Compiled for use at 
«iE ARMY SERVICE SCHOOLS 
Fort Leavenworth, Kansas 



ARMY SERVICE SCHOOLS PRESS 
December, 1912 






0. OF 0. 
fflAY 7 i914 



i 

5^ 



INTRODUCTION 



In introducing critical historical study, which has for 
the past six years formed an important part of the Staff 
College course, into the Army School of the Line course, the 
Donelson campaign has been chosen for a number of reasons, 
among which might be mentioned that: the forces dealt with 
on both sides are relatively small; the sources are contained, 
so far as the Official Records of the War of the Rebellion are 
concerned, in a single volume or nearly so, and the student 
has here of necessity to find his own way through the sources 
to the facts since there has not yet been written on this 
campaign any secondary work of sufficient value to consti- 
tute a guide. 

Yet there are considerable important data outside 
Volume 7 of the Official Records which are essential to an 
understanding of this campaign, but which are scattered 
through many volumes which it would take the student a 
long time to find and of which the Service Schools' library 
does not contain enough copies for the common use of the 
class. The present volume has been compiled by Captain 
Conger to meet the situation by supplementing the reports 
and correspondence found in Volume 7 by reports and corre- 
spondence found elsewhere, newspaper articles, private 
letters, regimental histories, memoirs, and recollections of 
participants. 

Farrand Sayre, 

Major, 8th Cavalry, 

Director, Department of Military Art, 

Army Service Schools. 

Fort Leavenworth, 
December, 1912. iii 



FeREWGRB 



The study of military history along the lines of original 
research has become recognized as an essential element in 
the education of any officer who is to be fitted in time of 
peace to exercise higher command or perform higher staff 
duties in time of war. 

It is essential for him, in the first place, to form a clear 
mental conception of war. This is only possible to gain, in 
the absence of actual and extensive personal war experience, 
from a close, searching study of war-remains and the 
application to them of the methodic tests. 

Second, it is important for him to be able to judge, by 
possessing a knowledge of historical method, of the value of 
secondary historical works, and to learn to avoid the numerous 
authors, often of high repulations, whose writings are not 
only devoid of any real value but do positive harm to readers 
not trained in historical criticism by giving them untrue im- 
pressions and wrong interpretations and inculcating false 
principles. No one can explore for himself the sources in 
the whole field of military history. Indeed many of the 
sources are a sealed book to our students either for lack of 
knowledge of a foreign language or because of the policy of 
some governments which jealously guard the documentary 
sources pertaining to their wars as their most precious 
military secrets. The covering of a broad field of historical 
study is, however, not only desirable but, for some purposes, 
necessary; for instance for the study, of strategy along 
modern lines. How then shall we find our way in the vast 
numbers of secondary works which overflow our libraries, 
works dealing out fiction, romance and "lies men have agreed 
upon" — as Napoleon and others have defined history — 
but giving the unsuspecting reader little or nothing of 
value? The only guide in this wilderness of books is a 
knowledge of historical method. He who understands what 
history is and how history is written, and he alone, will be 



Ti 

able, not only to choose between the works of value and the 
worthless, but to discriminate between the credible and 
dubious statements and sound and fallacious deductions. 

In the third place, the student gains by this method the 
abihty to deal scientifically with the many-sided sources of 
information in war. For the same tests of "good faith" and 
"accuracy" and the determination of "weight" which we 
learn to employ in dealing critically with historic sources 
must be apphed surely, quickly and instinctively, to all the 
bits of information which come to us through the fog of 
war, if we are to read the situation aright and not be misled 
into wrong measures. 

So much for the staff officers and commanders, but how 
about the regimental officers from Second Lieutenant to 
Colonel? What has historical research to teach them? 
History as it is now generally written deals with armies, 
army corps, divisions, and gives occasional reference to a 
brigade. What the regimental officer wants to know are 
tactics and troop leading. Did or did not a certain regiment, 
company or patrol, carry out its mission and how was it 
done? Why did this or that attack succeed or fail? These 
and many other questions a study of historical sources alone 
will answer. 

Colonel Ardant du Picq, in his Etudes sur le Combat, 
well puts the plea for the tactical point of view in military 
history as will be seen from the following quotation from 
his "Circular letter sent to all senior oflftcers having war 
experience": 

'In the past century, after the improvements of the rifle and of 
the field artillery by Frederick, and the martial successes of Prussia; 
in the present day, after the improvements of the new rifle and the 
field piece, and the recent victories which are partly due to those im- 
provements, we find all those of the Army who are accustomed to 
thinking aloud, wondering: "How shall we fight tomorrow?" "We 
have no creed in the matter of combat."— And the most conflicting 
methods contend for the approval of military men. 

Why? — A general error as to the point of departure. It might be 
said that nobody will understand that the experience of yesterday is 
needed for the knowledge of tomorrow, — and yesterday is nowhere 
definitely recorded. It is found only in the memory of those who 

1 Translated by Captain C. F. Martin, 15th Cavalry. 



vii 
know how to remember because thej^ knew how to see, and those "men 
have never spoken — I am appealing to one of them now. 

The most meager detail noted at the time of its occurrence in 
battle is more instructive for me, a soldier, than all the Thiers and the 
Jomini in the world, who speak without doubt for chiefs of States and 
of Armies, but who never show what I want to know— a battalion, a 
company, a squad in action. 

It being then the question of a regiment — of a battalion, of a 
company, of a squad, it is interesting to know: "The dispositions 
taken to wait for the enemy, or the order of march to move in his 
direction;— what does this disposition or this order of march become 
under the separate or the combined influence of the accidents of 
terrain and the approach of danger? 

"Whether this order is changed, whether it is modified upon 
drawing nearer. What it becomes upon arriving in the region of the 
guns, in the region of the bullets. 

"At what moment, at what distance a particular formation, spon- 
taneous or ordered, is taken up before acting, in order to act, whether 
to use fire action or shock action, or to use both at the same time. 

"How the firing was commenced, how it has been done, how the 
soldiers aimed. (That is shown by the results:— so many shots fired, so 
many men hit, — when it is possible). 

"How the charge was made,— at what distance the enemy fled 
before it,— at what distance it fell back before the fire or the demeanor, 
or before such or such movement of the enemy,— What it cost.— What 
could be noted concerning all these same things among the enemy. 

"The demeanor,— that is the order, the disorder, the cries, the 
silence, trouble, coolness among the leaders, among the soldiers 
among ourselves, among the enemy, before, during, after. 

"How the soldier, throughout the action, has been managed, how 
manageable he has been, how at such a moment he had the tendency 
to leave the ranks in order to drop behind or to rush forward. 

"At what moment, if control was lost by the leaders, it was no 
longer possible; at what moment this control was lost by the battalion 
commander,— at what moment by the captain, by the section leader, 
by the squad leader; at what moment on the whole (if such a condition 
existed) was there no longer anything but a disorganized impulsion, to 
the front or to the rear, carrying leaders and soldiers pell-mell. 
"Where, when, did the halt take place? 

"Where, when, were the soldiers gotten back in hand by the 
leaders? 

"At what moments before, during, after the day's work was the 
roll called in the battalion, in the company?— The results of these roll- 
calls. 

"How many dead, how many wounded, on both sides;- the kinds 
of wounds; —among the officers, — among the non-commissioned 
officers, — the corporals, the soldiers, etc., etc." 



viii 

All the details in short that can throw light on either the material 
side or the moral side of the action ; that can show it up at close range, 
at the closest possible range; — all these are infinitely more instructive 
for us, as soldiers, than all the discussions imaginable as to the plans 
and the general conduct of the campaigns of the great generals or as 
to the great maneuvers on the battle fields. 

From the colonel to the riflemen we are soldiers, not generals, 
and it is our trade that we want to know. 

Certainly one can not obtain all possible details concerning a single 
affair. But certainly from a succession of sincere accounts should 
come an ensemble of characteristic details most hkely to show in a 
striking, irrefutable manner what takes place, perforce, necessarily, 
at such or such a moment in an engagement;— to give the measure of 
what can be obtained from the soldier, however good it maybe; to 
serve consequently as a basis of a (possible) rational method of fight- 
ing, and to put us on guard against the methods a priori, the pedantic, 
school-book methods. 

Whoever has seen has made for himself a method based upon his 
own knowledge, his own personal experience as a soldier.— But ex- 
perience is long, life is short. The experience of each one can there- 
fore only be completed by that of others. 

We can it is true progress to a certain extent in tacUcal 
knowledge by theoretical and applicatory studies but unless 
our theories and problems are based on a close study of 
history they are as likely to lead to wrong conceptions as 
to real progress. Especially is this true of one who is 
teaching tactics to others whether he be instructing junior 
officers, non-commissioned officers or private soldiers. It is 
axiomatic that only the officer having had actual war ex- 
perience or who is well grounded in historical study can be 
a safe guide to others. To be a really good instructor he 
must have both qualifications. 

To the beginner some of the data herein may seem of 
little importance and the question may be asked: why has 
this been given a place? The answer Hes in the purpose of 
the volume which is to serve in the training of the student 
in the handling of sources of all kinds and estimating each 
at its real worth. 

Should some officers desire to make use of this book and 
Volume 7 of the Official Records of the War of the Rebellion 
to pursue a study privately of the sources pertaining to the 
Donelson Campaign, they are advised, in case they are un- 
dertaking research work of this character for the first time, 



ix 

to study first the Introduction to the Study oj History by 
Langlois and SeignobosS an Outline of Historical Method by 
F. M. Fling^, or some similar work, and then take up the 
application of the critical tests not alone to each document 
but to each "conception" or "affirmation" contained therein. 
After this has been done the synthetic process, the con- 
struction of the facts, will be found a comparatively simple 
matter. 

1 Two professors of history at the Sorbonne, Paris; English translation by G. G. 
Berry published by Henry Holt and Company, New York. 

2 Professor of Modern European History at the University of Nebraska, published 
by J. H. Miller, Lincoln, Nebraska. A third work on historical method should be 
mentioned for those who read German, Lehrbueh der historischen Methode, by Bern- 
heim. Professor of History at Greifswald University, Germany, published by Duncker 
& Humblot, Leipzig. No English translation of this work has yet appeared. 



CONTENTS 



Reports: 

Brigadier General C. F. Smith 1 

Colonel J. G. Lauman, 7th Iowa ------ 5 

Colonel August Mersy, 9th Illinois 9 

Major J. S. Cavender, 1st Missouri Light Artillery - - 11 

Colonel Bausenwein, 58th Ohio ----- 13 

Congratulatory Orders: 

Brigadier General Grant 14 

Brigadie.r General Lew Wallace 15 

Brigadier General McClernand 15 

Naval Records — Taken from Official Records Union and 
Confederate Navies, Series I, Vol. 22: 

Report and Orders of Flag-Officer Foote, Fort Henry - 18 

Report, Commander Walke, Fort Henry - - - - 22 

Report, Lieutenant Shirk, Fort Henry - - - - 23 

Report, Lieutenant Phelps, Fort Henry - - - - 23 

Letter General McClernand to Flag Officer Foote - - 24 

Information given by Confederate Gunner - - - - 25 

Additional Report, Flag-Officer Foote, Feb. 10 - - - 25 

Letter, Flag-Officer Foote to General Tilghman - - - 26 

Report, Flag-Officer Foote, Fort Henry, Feb. 11 - - 27 

Letter, General Grant to Commander Walke - - - 28 

Report of Commander Walke, Feb. 8 - - - - 28 

Newspaper Items, Tennessee ------ 29 

Report of Commander Walke, Feb. 10 - - - - 30 

Order of Flag-Officer Foote to Lieutenant Phelps - - 31 

1st Report of Commander Walke, Feb. 15 _ - - 31 

2d Report of Commander Walke, Feb. 15 - - - - 82 

Report of Lieutenant Thompson, Feb. 17 - - - - 34 

Report of Commander Dove, Feb. 16 ----- 37 

Testimony of Gen. Lew Wallacein the Case of Commander Dove 38 

Confederate Correspondence 41 

Newspaper Narratives: 

Cincinnati Gazette, Fort Henry 49 

Boston Journal ------.-. 57 

St. Louis Democrat ---- 64 

Cincinnati Gazette, Tennessee River . - - - 69 

New York Times, Fort Donelson 72 

Missouri Democrat, Fort Donelson ----- 84 

Charlestown Courier, Fort Donelson ----- 96 

Richmond Dispatch, Fort Donelson 101 

Nashville Patriot, Fort Donelson 102 

xi 



Regimental Histories: 

7th Illinois Infantry 103 

Fort Henry (artillery company) - . . . 109 & 134 

3d Tennessee Infantry -------- 113 

10th Tennessee Infantry --.-:-- 115 

26th Tennessee Infantry 116 

30th Tennessee Infantry 117 

32d Tennessee Infantry 122 

42d Tennessee Infantry 124 

48th Tennessee Infantry - 126 

49th Tennessee Infantry - 127 

50th Tennessee Infantry 128 

Porter's Battery 129 

Fort Donelson Heavy Artillery ------ 139 

Goochland Light Artillery 141 

9th Battalion, Tennessee Cavalry 147 

Forrest's (old) Regiment Cavalry . - - . . 143 

Personal Correspondence : 

Letters of Colonel J. G. Lauman 153 

Letter of Lieutenant T. O. Churchill - . . - lei 

Letters of Colonel Newsham 167 

Letter of Gen. Grant 206 

Military Society Papers: Letters of General Rawlins to 

Society of the Army of the Tennessee . - - - i69 

Memoirs: 

Extracts, Article by General Lew Wallace, Fort Donelson ~| 
Extracts, Autobiography of General Lew Wallace - j 

Personal Narrative of General Grant - . - - igg 

Magazine Article 207 

Biographical Notes 215 

Maps in pocket at end of book. 



ABBREVIATIONS 



B. «& L. = Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, published by the Cen- 
tury Co. 

M. A. T. = Military Annals of Tennessee. 

Moore = Moore's Records of the War of the Rebellion. 

N. R. = Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the 

Civil War. 
P. H. = Pictorial History of the Civil War. 
R. R. = OflScial Records of the Union and Confederate Armies in the 

Civil War. 
S. H. S. P. = Southern Historical Society Papers. 







•^ 




THE LEXINGTON 




THE ESSEX {Two Years After Fort Henry) 




THE LOUISVILLE 



lit-- 








iSHrf'"" ■■■■ ...W' *■ '^-=-— - '•■^intttrs; * tiiiau 



THE TYLER 




THE CINCINNATI 




'i liK PiTT.SHUBCi 




THE CONESTOGA 



REPORTS 



Brigadier General C. F. Smitli's Unfinished Report of the 
Capture of Fort Donelson ' 



H'^ Quarters 2"^^ Division 
District of West Tenn*^ 
Pittsburg, Tenn^ 
March 29, 1862 
The Asst Adj't Gen' 

H*^ Quarters District West Tenn 
Savannah, Tenn. 
Sir 

1 present to the Major Gen' commanding the District 
the following as the Report of the operations of my Division 
during the a.ttack on Fort Donelson, 

The first Brigade commanded by Colonel McArthur, 
9*^^ Ills., consisting of the 9"\ 12*'^, and 4P* Ills. Infantry, 
was detached during almost the entire period of our three 
days operations, and hence its service did not come under 
my personal notice, save to a very limited extent. It is well 
known to me however they did gallant service; and as no 
official notice has been taken of this so far as I am aware, I 
take pleasure in transmitting herewith the reports of the 
Reg'nt' Commanders, with a list of the casualties in the 
Brigade, amounting to 70 killed, and 340 wounded.^ 

The 2"*^ Brigade commanded by Col Morgan L Smith, of 
the S^^ Mo, consisting in part of his own Reg'nt, and the 
11*^ Ind*, was in like manner detached, and as the Report 
of General Wallace indicates, performed most distinguished 
services.^ 

If Copied by the Editor, from General C. P. Smith's manuscript 
in pencil in possession of his daughter, Mrs. Marshall Oliver, Annapo- 
lis, Maryland. ) From Magazine of American History, edited by Mrs. 
Martha J, Lamb, January, 1886, p. 82. See also R. R. S. N. 109, p. 7. 

2 See R. R. 7-215-219. 3 See R. R. 7—238-239. 



2 REPORT 

Co'^ C of the 2^ (Capt F) and I, of the 4*'^ regular Cav- 
ah-y (Lt Powell) — the squadron commanded by (the) captain 
(of) the former— belonging to the Division were detached 
from it, from before the fall of Fort Henry until after the 
fall of Fort Donelson. It is within my knowledge they did 
gallant and effective service for which they have thus far 
received no credit. I take pleasure therefore in transmit- 
ting with this the Report of Lt Powell (Capt F. being absent 
on account of ill health) and commending both officers to the 
favorable notice of the government. ^ 

That part of the Division under my immediate orders 
was organized as follows: the 3*^ Brigade, commanded by 
Col John Cooke 7^^ Ills consisted of his own regiment com- 
manded by Lt Col Babcock, 50*^ Ills (Col Bane), 12**' Iowa 
(Col Wood), 52"^ Ind'-* (Col Smith), & 13*^ Missouri (Col. 
Wright). The 4*^' Brigade commanded by Col Lauman, 
7*^ Iowa, consisting of his own regiment commanded by Lt 
Col Parrott. 2'"^ Iowa, Col Tuttle, 14**^ Iowa, Col Shaw, 
25^'' Indiana, Col Veatch, and 16*^ M^ (commonly called 
Western sharp shooters) Lt Col Compton, the 2^ Battalion, 
1^* M° light-artillery, commanded by Major Cavender, con- 
sisting of 3 batteries of 4 Parrott guns each— 10 & 20 pound- 
ers, commanded respectively by Captains Welcker, Richard- 
son, and Stone. 

Arriving on the evening of February 12*^ at a short dis- 
tance from the outwork of the enemy on his right, the in- 
vestment of the place was partially commenced by throwing 
the 4*^' Brigade on our left, and the 3*^ Brigade on its right, 
joining the l*"* division on the right with the first (McArthur) 
Brigade in reserve, with a battery in advance on the road 
leading to Dover and Fort Donelson. 

Early on the following morning (13^**) the regiments 
were posted in order of investment, in easy cannon range of 
the enemy's line of defence from the West — his extreme 
right to the South— a somewhat central position with refer- 
ence to that line, going as far off as possible to the left of 
the 1^' division. 

The ground covered by the division was thickly wooded, 
and exceedingly hilly and broken. The enemy's works were 

1 See R. R. 7—172. 



GENERAL C. F. SMITH 3 

on the highest ground in the vicinity; he had an Infantry 
breastwork in front of his main line (vulgarly called rifle 
pits) crested with logs from under which they fired; the 
whole strengthened by a wide abattis from felled timber of 
large size. 

Ignorant of the ground we had to feel our way cau- 
tiously; as soon as the regiments were measureably in posi- 
tion, orders were given to Brigade commanders to cover our 
front of attack with as many skirmishers as possible, well 
supported by their regiments, keeping a strong reserve; to 
press forward as steadily and rapidly as the ground would 
admit, and if the opportunity offered to assault with the 
bayonet. 

During this time Major Cavender's batteries, by sections 
or pieces, were posted to the best apparent advantage, well 
supported, with orders to open on the enemy. This was 
handsomely done and quick response made. Our pieces 
were skifted from time to time, and served with good effect, 
better as we afterward knew from the enemy than was sus- 
pected; their long ranges sending shells into the Fort, and 
causing sharp loss and great moral effect. Our casualties 
were numerous on this day. The Reports of the different 
commanders partially confirmed by my personal observations 
satisfied me that an assault on almost any part of the entire 
front covered by us was not practicable, without enormous 
sacrifice of life. 

At night-fall the skirmishers were recalled and the 
troops ordered to remain in position, but from necessity 
without fires, as the night was very inclement— rainy, snow 
and sleet and cold — the discomfort of the men was very 
great. 

On the next day (14'^) the same system of annoyance 
was kept up but, under the orders of the Commanding gen- 
eral to a more limited extent. At night-fall the advance 
parties were recalled as before. Our casualties of this day 
were not so numerous as the day before. The night inclem- 
ent as before with the same discomfort. During the course 
of this day I made a personal reconnoiseance of the ground 
on our extreme left and satisfied myself that the only ap- 
parent practicable point of assault was in that quarter— the 



4 REPORT 

enemy's extreme right being protected by an impassable 
slough which fact was communicated to the Commanding 
general. 

Under the orders of the Commanding general the Divi- 
sion remained quiet on the next day (15*'^) except to keep up 
the annoyance by skirmishers and slow artillery fire, until 
towards 3 o'clock P. M. when I received the general's per- 
sonal order to assault the enemy's right — a half mile or more 
from my habitual position. On the receipt of the order the 
artillery was ordered to open heavily and the Brigade com- 
manders to press forward with large numbers of skirmishers 
and make a dash at any available opening; whilst the 
2"'^ Iowa— supported by the 52"*^ Ind"" (belonging to the 
3d Brigade, but which had been posted to guard the left) 
25*'' Ind*", 12*^ Iowa, &c — was ordered to lead the assault'. 
This regiment was ordered to rely on the bayonet and not to 
fire a shot until the enemy's ranks were broken. Right gal- 
lantly was the duty performed. The left wing of the regi- 
ment under its Col (Tuttle) moved steadily over the open 
space down the ravine and up the rough ground covered 
with large timber in unbroken line, regardless of the fire 
poured into it, and paused not until the enemy broke and 
fled. It was quickly followed by the other wing under its 
Lt Col (Baker) in the same manner; the united body pursu- 
ing the enemy through their encampment and towards the 
enemy's works just above, where they skirmished for a con- 
siderable time. The movement of this regiment was a very 
handsome exhibition of soldierly conduct. 

The 52"^ Ind"" ordered to follow and support the 2"*^ Iowa, 
from the nature of the ground and want of tactical knowl- 
edge, instead of going to the left as I had intended, came up 
(in) confusion, and instead of moving forward, remained be- 
hind the earthwork just taken, from where and from some 
unexplained cause fired fatal shots into their friends in front. 
They remained in this position until sent to reform in the 
rear. 

The 25*^ Ind^ following in order moved in advance to 
the support of the 2"^ Iowa, and covered it when that regi- 

IR. R. 7-223, 227, 229. 



COLONEL LAUMAN 5 

ment for want of cartridges retired behind the intrench- 
ments just taken from the infantry of the enemy. 

As soon as the outwork was taken 1 sent for a section 
of Stone's battery, which soon arrived and opened upon the 
enemy with happy effect silencing- a heavy gun —24 pounder^ . 
Meantime the regiments of the S'^ (Cooke's) Brigade arrived 
but as it was getting late I deemed it better to dispose of 
the troops for the night and be in readiness for a renewed 
assault on the morrow— the crest of the enemy's works being 
only some 400 yards distant, and the ground more or less 
favorable. ^ 

Increasing the artillery on the ground first taken by a 
couple of 20 pounder Parrott guns, the 4**" Brigade was dis- 
posed to guard the position, with the 3'^ Brigade in reserve 
several hundred yards in rear. 

The 9*^ and 12^*^ Ills (1"^ Brigade) having reported at 
this time, the latter was thrown forward around the base of 
the hill towards the enemy's main work; the 9*^ remaining 
in reserve.^ The night was cold, but neither the hail 
storm 



Extracts from Private Journal of General C. F. Smith, 
February, 1862 ^ 

Sat. 15th. Assaulted & took the enemy's outworks on the 
left. Greatly exposed to encourage and keep in posi- 
tion the Vols. My horse and self both hit. 

Sun. 16th. All dispositions made by me for a continued as- 
sault when the enemy gave up & we marched in. 



Report of Colonel Jacob Q. Lauman, Seventh Iowa Infantry, 
Commanding Fourth Brigade, Second Division.'' 

Hdqrs. Fourth Brigade, Second Div., U.'S. Army, 
Fort Donelson, February 18, 1882. 

General: I have the honor to report the following 
movements of the Fourth Brigade, Second Division: 

1 R. R. 7—226. 2 R. R. 7- 217-226. 3 R. R. 7-215-218. 

i: Magazine of American History, January, 1886, p. 40. 
5 From R. R. 109—9; Moore IV— 152. 



6 REPORT 

We left Fort Henry on the morning of the 12th instant, 
arriving near Fort Donelson the same evening. Immediate- 
ly on our arrival I received your order to move the Seventh 
low^a Infantry to the front to support a battery of Major 
Cavender's rifled 20-pounder Parrott guns, w^hich were 
placed in a position to command a portion of the rebel works ' . 
I obtained permission from you to associate the regiment of 
Birge's Sharpshooters in the movement, and placed the two 
regiments in position, where they remained during the 
night. 

In accordance with your orders on the morning of Thurs- 
day, the 13th instant, I moved the left wing of my brigade, 
consisting of the Fourteenth Iowa (Colonel Shaw) and 
Twenty-fifth Indiana (Colonel Veatch), from their encamp- 
ment toward the enemy, who were intrenched about a mile 
distant therefrom. - The advance was made steadily and in 
as good order as the nature of the ground would admitof un- 
til we reached the ravine at the base of the hill on which 
were the enemy's fortifications. Here we halted until the 
line could be formed, when the Twenty-fifth Indiana, under 
Colonel Veatch, moved steadily up the hill and toward the 
intrenchments under a most galling fire of musketry and 
grape, until their onward progress was obstructed by the 
fallen timber and brushwood. Having, however, succeeded 
in gaining an advantageous position, they held it unflinch- 
ingly for more than two hours, and until ordered to fall back 
out of range of the enemy's fire. The loss of this regiment 
in killed and wounded was very severe. The Fourteenth 
Iowa advanced at the same time and took position on the 
right and across a ravine, and did good execution. Whilst 
these two regiments were taking the above positions, the 
Seventh Iowa Infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Parrott, 
came up in fine style and took a position in the center, be- 
tween the Twenty-fifth Indiana and the Fourteenth Iowa. 
The First Regiment Sharpshooters, Western Division, Lieut. 
Col. B. S. Compton, were posted on the hill to the extreme 
right, except a detachment of about sixty who were deploy- 
ed as skirmishers, and rendered most effective service in that 

1 R. R. 7-231. 2 R. R. 7— 227-231. 



COLONEL LAUMAN 7 

capacity, and proving by their deadly aim that they are a 
most valuable arm of the service. We held this position un- 
til night, v^hen we fell back to the position occupied in the 
morning. On the following day we remained in camp, 
skirmishing with the rebels during the day and night. On 
Saturday, the 15th instant, at about 2 o'clock, I received 
your order to advance with my whole brigade and assault 
the heights on the left of the position attacked by us on the 
previous Thursday. The brigade was promptly in motion in 
the following order: The Second Iowa, Colonel Tuttle, led 
the advance,^ followed by the Fifty-second Indiana (tempor- 
arily attached to my brigade), who were ordered to support 
them. This regiment was followed closely by the Twenty- 
fifth Indiana, the Seventh Iowa, and the Fourteenth Iowa. 
The Sharpshooters were previously deployed as skirmishers on 
our extreme right and left. Colonel Tuttle led the left wing 
of his regiment in line of battle up the hill, suppoited by the 
right wing, advancing at a distance of about 150 yards in the 
rear. So soon as he came within range of the enemy's fire 
he led his men forward, without firing a gun, up to and 
charged into'the rebels' works driving the enemy before him 
and planting his colors on their fortifications. He was close- 
ly followed by the other regiments in the order of advance 
before named. The enemy was closely pursued and driven 
behind their inner works. Night coming on. we held the 
position we had gained, and remained under arms until 
morning, intending at dawn of day to recommence the at- 
tack. In this engagement the Second Iowa suffered terribly. 
Captains Slaymaker and Cloutman fell just as they entered 
the enemy's fortifications. Cloutman was instantly killed 
and Slaymaker died gallantly shouting to his men to go for- 
ward and consummate the work. 

In the morning, as day dawned, we were attracted to 
the inner fortifications by the sound of a bugle, and saw the 
rebels displaying a white flag. I instantly dispatched 
Lieutenant Colonel Parrott to ascertain the intent of it, who 
reported that an oflficer wished to see me. I repaired to the 
spot and received from him offers of capitulation, which I at 
once forwarded to you. The result is well known. It would 

1 R. R. 7—229. 



8 Rp]POR'r 

afford me much pleasure to particularize the various in- 
stances of personal bravery displayed on the occasion by 
officers under my command, but when all behaved so well it 
would be invidious to particularize; but I cannot refrain from 
mentioning- in this connection the bravery of Colonel Tuttle, 
Lieutenant Colonel Baker and Major Chipman (who received 
a severe wound in the thighs of the Second Iowa; Colonel 
Veatch and Lieutenant Colonel Morgan, of the Twenty-fifth 
Indiana, and Colonel Shaw, of the Fourteenth Iowa; also 
Lieutenant Colonel Parrott and Major Rice, who led the 
Seventh Iowa, and to whom I return my warmest ac- 
knowledgments for the gallant manner in which they led 
their regiment into the engagement on the 13th and 15th. 
They did all that men could do, and well sustained the 
reputation of the Seventh Iowa. For the kindness, attention, 
and skill manifested by the surgeons and assistant surgeons 
for so many consecutive hours towards the unfortunate 
wounded I return my most sincere thanks. 

The total loss in killed and wounded is as follows: Sec- 
ond Regiment Iowa Infantry Volunteers -- Killed, 41; 
wounded, 157; total, 198. Twenty-fifth Regiment Indiana 
Volunteers— Killed, 14; wounded, 101; total, 115. Seventh 
Regiment Iowa Infantry —Killed, 2; wounded, 37: total, 39. 
Fourteenth R'^giment Iowa Infantry — Killed, 3: wounded, 23; 
total, 26. First Regiment Sharpshooters — Killed, 1; 
wounded, 3; missing, 1; total, 5. Recapitulation— Whole 
number killed, 61; whole number wounded, 321; whole num- 
ber missing, 1: total, 383. 

I herewith append the reports of the colonels of regi- 
ments attached to my brigade, to which I invite your par- 
ticular attention. ' 

With sentiments of high regard, I remain, respectfully, 
your most obedient servant, 

J. G. Lauman, 

Colonel, Copimandlng FoiirtJi Brigade, Second Division. 
Brig. Gen. C. F. Smith, 

Commanding Second Division. 

1 R.R. 7— 227-231. 



Report of Col. August Mersy, Ninth Illinois Infantry. ^ 

Hdqrs. Ninth Regiment Illinois Volunteers, 

Camp near Dover, Tenn., February 7.'v, 1S(>2. 

Sir: In compliance with Special Orders, No. 2, dated 
February 17, 1862, from headquarters Second Division, I 
submit the following report of the movements and opera- 
tions of my command since February 4, 1862: 

February 4, in obedience to orders of brigadier-general 
commanding forces at Paducah, Ky., five companies of the 
regiment, viz. A, B, C, D, and E, under command of Col. A. 
Mersy, embarked on board the V. R. Wilson with all their 
baggage and five days' rations at about 5 p.m. of the said 
day. The boat moved up the Tennessee River at about 6 
p.m. February 5, the boat arrived at Bayley's Landing at 
about 10 a.m. to-day, when the companies immediately dis- 
embarked. The colonel commanding reported to Brigadier- 
General McClernand, commanding the forces, by whose 
order we were temporarily assigned to Colonel Wallace's 
brigade, who ordered us to go into camp about half a mile 
from the river at about 3 p.m. In compliance with verbal 
orders from General McClernand we embarked on board the 
W. H. B. and crossed the river and rejoined the balance of 
the regiment that came up from Paducah this morning on 
the W. H. B. ; went into camp for the night. February 6, 
in obedience to order of Colonel McArthur, commanding 
brigade, the Ninth Regiment placed their baggage on board 
the Keystone and took up their line of march in the direction 
of Fort Henry at about 12.30 p.m. in rear of the column. 
Arrived at Fort Heiman, opposite Fort Henry, at about 8 
p.m., and encamped for the night in the vicinity of a former 
rebel encampment. February 7, in compliance with order 
of brigade commander, the regiment left camp and marched 
to the bank of the river and there awaited the construction 
of a bridge required to enable them to embark on a boat to 
cross the river. The bridge not being finished, the regiment 
went into camp near the river. February 8, the orders for 
crossing the river being countermanded, the regiment, in 
obedience to orders of brigade commander, moved on the 

1 From R. R. 109—11. 



10 ■ REPORT 

ridge to the rear of our camping ground on the night of the 
6th instant and went into camp; brought our baggage from 
the boat and pitched tents. February 12, in obedience to 
orders of brigade commander, the Ninth Regiment, with 
two days' rations, embarked on board the Hannibal and 
crossed the river to Fort Henry, where we disembarked and 
marched in the direction of Fort Donelson on the Cumber- 
land River; marched to within two miles and a half of the 
fort and went into camp; removed our camp about one mile 
and a half to the right at about 11 o'clock at night. ' Febru- 
ary 13, in compliance with orders of brigade commander, 
the regiment moved forward to support a battery which was 
planted on the main road to the fort. At about 11 a.m., by 
order of brigade commander, the regiment moved about 
one mile and a half to the right to cover, if need be, the 
retreat of McClernand's division. Remained here until about 
6 p.m., when, in obedience to orders of brigade commander, 
the regiment moved farther to the right to support Taylor's 
battery. At 10 o'clock at night the regiment moved the 
camp a half mile in advance. February 14, in obedience to 
orders of brigade commander, the First Brigade took position 
on the extreme right, the Ninth Regiment on the left of the 
Forty-first Illinois Regiment and encamped for the nights 
Pickets were thrown out in front of our camp. February 
15, at daylight, a sudden and spirited attack was made by 
the enemy on the right of the regiment. After a hard 
fought and bloody contest of two and a half hours' duration, 
the regiment was compelled to fall back, our ammunition 
being exhausted; when, in obedience to orders of brigade 
commanders, Colonels McArthur and Oglesby, the regiment 
withdrew from the field of battle in good order. ' The colonel 
commanding desires to express his high appreciation of the 
conduct of all the men of this command, and cannot, without 
injustice, designate cases of individual bravery, as the 
bearing of all the officers, non-commissioned officers, and 
men was such that it would have done credit to veterans. 

1 R. R. 7—215. 

2 R. R. 7—218. 

3 R. R. 7-186 186, 216. 



MAJOR CAVENDER 11 

I annex a list of all the killed and wounded officers, non- 
commissioned officers, and men. ^ 

Aug. Mersy, 
Colonel, Commanding Ninth Regiment Illinois Volunteers. 

J. Bates Dixson, 

Acting Assistant Adjutant-General. 

[Indorsement.] 

But eight companies of the Ninth Illinois Regiment 
participated in the within mentioned action. Company H 
being detached as provost guard at Paducah, Ky., and Com- 
pany A detached the day previous to the action to support a 
battery. 



Report of Major John S. Cavender, First Missouri Light ^ 

Artillery." 

Hdqrs. Second Battln., First Missouri Light Artillery, 
Fort Donelson, Tenn., February 7<S', 1862. 

Sir: I have the honor to make the following report of 
the part taken by the Second Battalion, First Missouri Light 
Artillery, in the engagement of the 13th, 14th, and 15th in- 
stant, which resulted in the surrender of Fort Donelson, 
Tenn. : 

Captain Welker's battery (H) was brought in position 
and commenced firing early on the 13th opposite the center of 
the enemy's field-works, but had continually to change po- 
sition on account of the heavy fire from the rebel guns. At 
about 11 a.m. one piece, under command of Lieutenant Tann- 
rath, was ordered to take position in the road leading to the 
fortifications, for the purpose of finding the enemy's guns 
and drawing their fire. Five guns opened upon the piece, 
and after firing five shots and losing one man killed, the 
piece was withdrawn and joined its battery. On the 14th 
the battery moved farther to the right, joining Colonel Mc- 
Arthur's brigade; was masked, and, after a successful fire 
upon the rebel batteries and columns, withdrawn to its form- 

1 Embodied in table, R. R. 7—168. 

2 FromR. R. 109-13. 

For reports of battery commanders, see R. R. 7—225-226. 



12 REPORT 

er position, having no infantry to support them. On the 
evening of the 15th three pieces were ordered on our extreme 
left, to cover the storming party, and came in battery inside 
of the intrenchments, v^^here they remained all night. Two 
horses were shot on the 14th. Captain Richardson's battery 
(D) was placed in position on the morning of the 14th facing 
an out-work of the enemy, distant about 1,400 yards, and 
during the day engaged with one section a battery of the 
enemy. After firing about fifty rounds, was compelled to 
move on account of the enemy's concentrating the fire of sev- 
eral batteries upon that section. On the 15th only occasion- 
al shots were fired, the opposite batteries not answering. 
One hundred rounds were expended during the engagement. 
Captain Stone's battery (K) remained in reserve during the 
13th and 14th. On the morning of the 15th one section was 
ordered in position to drive back the enemy making an at- 
tack on our right wing. The firing appeared to be very ef- 
fective at a distance of one mile and a quarter. About 3 p. 
m. the section was ordered to our left to cover General 
Smith's advance, and was the first placed in the enemy's in- 
trenchments. The pieces opened fire with great effect, 
driving the rebel skirmishers back and silencing one of their 
guns; all this under a heavy fire of grape and canister from 
the enemy, and losing three horses killed and getting one 
man wounded. All the officers and men behaved gallantly. 
First Lieut. Thomas Hynes is particularly to be mentioned 
for his gallantry in bringing the first gun inside the rebel 
intrenchments and commencing action under a heavy fire 
from the enemy's guns. First Lieut. Charles Green, my ad- 
jutant, behaved with great gallantry being much exposed, 
carrying orders to the different batteries, frequently under 
heavy fire. Lieut. Thomas D. Witt, quartermaster, was very 
efficient in providing everything for men and horses that 
could possibly be procured. Private John Bernhard, Com- 
pany H, was killed by a 6-pounder solid shot, shattering his 
left shoulder and arm, and cutting his left breast. Private 
William F. Casey, Company K, was slightly wounded in the 

leg. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

John S. Cavender, 
Major, First Missouri Light Artillery, Commanding Second Battalion. 
Assistant Adjutant-General, 

Second Division, Army in the Field, Fort Donelson, Tenn. 



13 
Colonel Bausenwein's Reports ^ 

Headquarters Fifty-eighth Reg. O. V. I. 

Fort Donelson, February 18. 

C. p. Buckingham, Adjutant-Geney^al of Ohio: 

Dear Sir: The Fifty-eighth Ohio regiment was the 
first regiment on the enemy's battery: the flags presented 
by the ladies of Cokimbus the first planted on the battery; 
the band the first playing our national air, "The Star- 
Spangled Banner." We took upward of two thousand priso- 
ners, ten cannon, one twelve-pound howitzer (the day pre- 
vious, Saturday), and one thousand boxes of ammunition. 
We were seven hours in the fire, guarding our advance 
batteries, lost but two men, seven wounded, among them 
two officers, when at the same moment the rebels lost heavy. 
In our front we found nine of them within one hundred 
yards of our right column, dead and dying. They now re- 
port freely that the fire from our regiment was the most 
disastrous, and proved too strong for them to secure all the 
dead and wounded, and consequently the nine were left on 
the field. We found hundreds piled in near the Fort, where 
we made our last attack. Our regiment was ordered to 
squat when the enemy made their charge, and a little ravine 
made our protection, the fire of our enemy Hterally covering 
our troops with brush and tree-tops, generally aiming too 
high. The commander here has granted to us, for this 
valuable service, and because our troops made the last de- 
cisive charge, has allowed us four cannon, for which we need 
an artillery camp, which I hope you will aid us in obtaining. 
I desire to do good service; am confident I have used my 
every energy, to aid in the great victory, and trust to have 
your regard when I have no other person's. I desire to re- 
main in this country, and hope ardently that this war m.ay 
soon close, and the American citizens live in peace and har- 
mony, connected in one general interest, united in one cause, 
to sustain liberty. I have found in Columbus many good 
friends, who have aided me in the purpose for which I came 
here —to sustain liberty. I shall never forget those. I feel 
under particular obligations to you. Lieut. -Col. Kemper, 
the bearer of these fines, was by my side during all the 

1 From Moore, IV — 160. 



14 rON(;RATULATORY ORDERS 

attacks, never flinching, ever ready to carry out my orders 
with promptitude and despatch. He can verbally give you 
every information which may be of interest to you. I have 
some four thousand muskets, revolvers, bowie-knives, etc., 
now under guard, and thousands of tents, provisions of 
enormous bulk, in fact, everything of war implements. 
Hundreds of hofses and mules. Our company officers walk 
no more; they are supplied with secesh saddles, horses, and 
mules, and happiness beams from their eyes and lips. So 
good by, and my best regards to Gov. Tod, and others who 
remember me. 

Bausenwein, 
Colonel, Fifty-eighth Regiment, O. V. Infantry. 



CONGRATULATORY ORDERS 

(jeneral Order No. 2.^ 
Headquarters District op West-Tenn., 

Fort Do nelson, Feb. 7 7, IS62, 

The General Commanding takes great pleasure in con- 
gratulating the troops of this command for the triumph over 
rebeUion gained by their valor on the thirteenth, fourteenth, 
and fifteenth instant. 

For four successive nights, without shelter during the 
most inclement weather known in this latitude, they faced 
an enemy in large force in a position chosen by himself. 
Though strongly fortified by nature, all the additional safe- 
guards suggested by science were added. Without a mur- 
mur this was borne, prepared at all times to receive an 
attack, and with continuous skirmishing by day, resulting 
ultimately in forcing the enemy to surrender without con- 
ditions. 

The victory achieved is not only great in the effect it 
will have in breaking down rebellion, but has secured the 
greatest numbers of prisoners of war ever taken in any 
battle on this continent. 

1 From Moore, IV— 139. 



GENERAL WALLACE 15 

Fort Donelson will hereafter be marked in capitals on 

the map of our united country, and the men who fought the 

battle will live in the memory of a grateful people. 

By order 

U. S. Grant, 
Brigadier- General Commanding. 

General Wallace's Order. ^ 

Headquarters Third Division, District of West Tennessee, 

February 28,1862. 
Soldiers of the Third Division: 

It was my good fortune to command you at the capture 
of Fort Donelson. Sickness has kept me from thanking you 
for the patience, endurance, courage, and discipline you 
showed on that occasion. The country, ringing with the 
glory of that victory, thanks you, and its thanks are indeed 
precious! 

You were last to arrive before the Fort; but it will be 
long before your deeds are forgotten. When your gallant 
comrades of the First division, having fired their last car- 
tridge, fell back upon your support, you did not fail them; 
you received them as their heroism deserved; you encircled 
them with your ranks, and drove back the foe that presumed 
to follow them. 

And to you, and to two gallant regiments from the 

Second division, is due the honor of the last fight — the 

evening battle of Saturday — the reconquest, by storm, of 

the bloody hill on the right— the finishing blow to a victory 

which has already purged Kentucky of treason, and restored 

Tennessee to the confederacy of our fathers. All honor 

to you. 

Lew. Wallace, 

General Third Division. 

General McCIernand's FieId=Order.^ 

Headquarters First Division, 
Fort Donelson, February 18, 1862. 

FIELD ORDER NO. 145. 

Officers and Men of the First Division of the Advance Forces: 

You have continually led the way in the Valley of the 

Lower Mississippi, the Tennessee and the Cumberland. You 

*From Moore, IV— 143. 
*From Moore, IV— 161. 



16 OONGRATULATORY ORDERS 

have carried the flag of the Union further South than any 
other land forces, marching from the interior toward the 
seaboard. 

Being the first division to enter Fort Henry, you also 
pursued the enemy for miles, capturing from him, in his 
flight, six field-pieces, many of his standards and flags, a 
number of prisoners, and a great quantity of military stores, 

Follov^ing the enemy to this place, you v^^ere the first to 
encounter him outside of his entrenchments, and drive him 
w^ithin them. 

Pursuing your advantage, the next day, being on the 
right, you advanced upon his lines, in the face of his works 
and batteries, and for the time silenced them. 

The next day, skirmishing all along his left, you daringly 
charged upon his redoubts, under a deadly fire of grape and 
canister, and were only prevented from taking them by 
natural obstacles, and the accumulated masses which were 
hurried forward to defend them. 

The next day you extended your right in the face of 
newly-erected batteries, quite to the Cumberland, thus in- 
vesting his works for nearly two miles. 

The next day, after standing under arms for two days 
and nights, amid driving storms of snow and rain, and 
pinched by hunger, the enemy advanced in force to open the 
way to his escape. By his own confession, formed in a 
column of ten successive regiments, he concentrated his 
attack upon a single point. You repulsed him repeatedly, 
from seven o'clock to eleven o'clock a.m., often driving 
back his formidable odds. 

Thus, after three days' fighting, when your ammunition 
was exhausted, you fell back until it came up, and re-formed 
a second line in his face. 

Supported by fresh troops, under the lead of a brave 
and able officer, the enemy was again driven back, and by a 
combined advance from all sides, was finally defeated. His 
unconditional surrender the next day, consummated the 
victory. 

Undiverted by any other attack, for near four hours 
from any other part of our lines, the enemy was left to con- 
centrate his attack with superior numbers upon yours. 



GENERAL McCLERNAND 17 

Thus, while you were engaged for a longer time than any 
other of our forces, you were subjected to much greater loss. 

The battle-field testifies to your valor and constancy. 
Even the magnanimity of the enemy accords to you an un- 
surpassed heroism, and an enviable and brilliant share in the 
hardest-fought battle and the most decisive victory ever 
fought and won on the American continent. 

Your trophies speak for themselves; they consist of 
many thousand prisoners, forty pieces of cannon, and ex- 
tensive magazines of all kinds of ordnance, quartermaster's 
and commissary stores. 

The death-knell of rebellion is sounded, an army has 
been annihilated, and the way to Nashville and Memphis is 
opened. This momentous fact should, as it will, encourage 
you to persevere in the path of glory. It must alleviate 
your distress for your brave comrades, who have fallen or 
been wounded. It will mitigate the grief of bereaved wives 
and mourning parents and kindred. It will be your claim 
to a place in the affections of your countrymen, and upon a 
blazoned page of history. 

By order t)F Brig. -Gen. McClernand, 

Commanding. 

A. Schwartz, 

Captain and Acting Chief of Staff'. 



NAVAL RECORDS 



Report of Flas=Officer Foote, U.S. Navy, regarding preliminary 
movement of his command up the Tennessee River, trans- 
mitting copies of orders to commanding oflicers.^ 

U. S. Gunboat Tyler, 

Paducah, February 5, IS 62. 

Sir: I have the honor to inform you that I left Cairo 
yesterday with this vessel, having ordered the armored 
gunboats Essex, Carondelet, Cincinnati, and St. Louis to 
precede me to Paducah, and arrived here last evening. 

To-day I purpose ascending the Tennesse River with the 
four new armored boats and the old gunboats Tyler, Cones- 
toga, and Lexington, in convoy of the troops under General 
Grant, for the purpose of conjointly attacking and occupying 
Fort Henry and the railroad bridge connecting Bowling 
Green with Columbus. 

The transports have not yet arrived, although expected 
last night from Cairo, which causes detention, while, in the 
meantime, unfortunately, the river is falling. I am ready 
with the seven gunboats to act offensively whenever the 
army is in condition to advance, and have every confidence, 
under God, that we shall be able to silence the guns at Fort 
Henry and its surroundings; notwithstanding, I have been 
obliged, for want of men, to take from the five boats re- 
maining at Cairo all the men except a sufficient number to 
man one gunboat for the protection of that important post. 

I have left Commander Kilty as senior officer in charge 
of the guns and mortar boats at Cairo, ordering him, with 
the assistance of Fleet Captain Pennock, to use every effort 
in obtaining men and forwarding the early equipment of the 
mortar boats. It is peculiarly unfortunate that we have not 
been able to obtain men for the flotilla, as they only are 
wanting to enable me to have at this moment eleven full- 

1 FromN. R. 22-534. 18 



FLAG OFFICER FOOTE 19 

manned, instead of seven partially manned, gunboats, 
ready for efficient operations at any point. The volunteers 
from the army to go in the gunboats exceed the number 
of men required, but the derangement of companies and 
regiments, in permitting them to leave, is the reason as- 
signed for not more than fifty of the number having been 
thus far transferred to the flotilla. 

I enclose a copy of my orders to the commanders of the 
gunboats in anticipation of the attack on Fort Henry; also a 
copy of orders to Lieutenant Commanding Phelps, who will 
have more especially charge of the old gunboats and operate 
in a less exposed condition than the armored boats. 

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, 
your obedient servant, 

A. H. FooTE, 
Flag- Officer, Comdg. Naval Forces, Western Waters. 

Hon. Gideon Welles, 

Secretary of the Navy, Washington, D. C. 

I proceed up the Tennessee early in the morning, and 
will there make the Cincinnati my flagship. 

A. H. F. 

P. S.— Several transports with troops have just arrived. 

A. H. F. 

[Enclosures.] 

Special Orders, } U. S. Gunboat Tyler, 

No. 1. \ Ohio River, February 2, 1862. 

The captains of the gunboats, before going into action, 
will always see that the hoods covering the grating of the 
hatches at the bows and sterns and elsewheje are taken off, 
otherwise great injury will result from the concussion of 
the guns in firing. The anchors also must be unstocked if 
they interfere with the range of the bow guns. 

In attacking the fort, the first order of steaming will be 
observed; as, by the vessels being parallel, they will be 
much less exposed to the enemy's range than if not in a 
parallel line, and by moving ahead or astern, which all the 
vessels will do by following the motions of the flagship, it 



20 REPORT 

will be difficult for the enemy to get an accurate range of 
the gunboats. 

Equal, distances from one another must be observed by 
all the vessels in action. The flagship will, of course, open the 
fire first, and then others will follow when good sight of the 
enemy's guns in the fort can be obtained. 

There must be no firing until correct sights can be ob- 
tained, as this would not only be throwing away ammunition, 
but it would encourage the enemy to see us firing wildly and 
harmlessly at the fort. The captains will enforce upon their 
men the absolute necessity of observing this order, and let 
it be also distinctly impressed upon the mind of every man 
firing a gun that, while the first shot may be either of too 
much elevation or too little, there is no excuse for a second 
wild fire, as the first will indicate the inaccuracy of the aim 
of the gun, which must be elevated or depressed, or trained, 
as circumstances require. Let it be reiterated that random 
firing is not only a mere waste of ammunition, but, what is 
far worse, it encourages the enemy when he sees shot and 
shell falling harmlessly about and beyond him. 

The great object is to dismount the guns in the fort by 
the accuracy of our fire, although a shell in the meantime 
may occasionally be thrown in among a body of the enemy's 
troops. Great caution will be observed, lest our troops are 
mistaken for the enemy. 

When the flagship ceases firing, it will be a signal for 
the other vessels also to cease, as the ceasing of fire will 
indicate the surrender, or the readiness to surrender the 
fort. As the vessels will all be so near one another, verbal 
communication will be had with the commannder in chief 
when it is wanted. The commander in chief has every 
confidence in the spirit and valor of officers and men under 
his command, and his only solicitude arises lest the firing 
should be too rapid for precision, and that coolness and 
order, so essential to complete success, should not be ob- 
served, and hence he has in this general order expressed his 
views, which must be observed by all under his command. 

A. H, FooTE, 
Flag- Officer, Commanding Naval Forces, Western Waters. 



FLAG OFFICER FOOTE 21 

Special Orders, ) U. S. Gunboat Tyler, 

No. 2. f Ohio River, February 2, JS62. 

The division of the three gunboats, not armored, and 
consequently, not prepared to encounter at so short a range 
the batteries of the fort as the four armored boat?, will take 
a position astern, and, if practicable, inshore on the right of 
the main division. Lieutenant Commanding Phelps, in charge 
of this division, from his great experience and successful 
charge of our interest, for most of the time on the Tennessee 
and Cumberland rivers, will, I trust, be enabled to throw 
shells into Fort Henry with no greater exposure to his divi- 
sion, comparatively, than that of the armored boats, while 
the main division, more directly in the face of the fort, at- 
tempts to dismount its guns in close range by a more direct 
fire. The captains of this division will also see that no gun 
is fired without accurate aim, as we have no ammunition to 
throw away, but, what would be far worse, rapid, random, 
harmless firing would encourage the enemy to a more de- 
termined resistance. 

Great care must be observed lest our troops should be 
mistaken for the enemy. When the main division ceases 
firing, it will be an indication that the fort is ready to sur- 
render. 

A. H. FooTE. 
Flag Officer, Commanding Naval Forces, Western Waiej-s. 

Special Orders, } U. S. Gunboat Tyle'<, 

No. 3. i' Paducah, February 2, 1862, 

Lieutenant-Commanding Phelps will, as soon as the fort 
shall have surrendered and upon signal from the flagship, 
proceed with the Conestoga, Tylei^ and Lexington up the river 
to where the railroad bridge crosses, and, if the army shall 
not already have got possession, he will destroy so much of 
the track as will entirely prevent its use by the rebels. 

He will then proceed as far up the river as the stage of 
water will admit and capture the enemy's gunboats and 
other vessels which might prove available to the enemy. 

A. H. FooTE 
Flag- Officer, Commanding Naval Forces, Western Waters. 



22 REPORT 

Report of Commander Walke, U. S. Navy, commanding 
U. 5. S. Carondelet^ 

U. S. Gunboat Carondelet. 
Fort Henry. Tennessee River, February S, Ib'G'2. 

Sir: In compliance with your special order of the 2d in- 
stant, and in accordance to your signal number U218) of the 
morning of the 6th, I respectfully report the incidents which 
occurred on board this vessel connected with the victory 
you so nobly won in the capture of Fort Henry on that day. 

The Carondelet was kept in line as nearly as possible 
with the other boats (first order of steaming), with the ex- 
ception of being interlocked with the St. Louis a consider- 
able portion of the time, in consequence of being crowded, 
and by mistake of our pilot in ringing the bell to back in- 
stead of the one to go ahead, according to my repeated 
orders, the boat lost one length astern of her position for the 
space of two or three minutes. The mistake being imme- 
diately corrected, she resumed her position in line, keeping 
up a continued, steady, and careful firing upon the enemy's 
batteries from the instant you fired your first gun until he 
struck. None killed or wounded on board. 

The Carondelet was struck nine or ten times during the 
engagement by the enemy's shot, as follows: Five times on 
plating of the bow. four of which were within 8 inches of 
the ports; one upon the starboard bow, under water; one on 
the port broadside, cutting the timbers and planking some 
6 feet: one taking away a section of the port hammock net- 
tings: one taking away a portion of the port awning stanch- 
ion, and another cutting away the gig's falls. 

It is with great pleasure and pride that I have to state 
that, during the action, the officers and crew under my com- 
mand performed their duties with perfect courage, coolness 
and ability, so far as I could observe; and I have reason to 
believe, from what I have seen and heard on shore, that 
their aim was correct, their shot striking with terrible effect 
on Fort Henry. 

1 From N. R. 22-640. 



FLAG OFFICER FOOTE 23 

With my most sincere congratulations, I have the honor, 
sir [to be] , 

Most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

H. Walke, 
Commander, U. S. N(wy. 
Flag-Officer a. H. Foote, 

Commanding Naval Forces, Western Waters. 



Report of Lieutenant Shirk, U. 5. Navy, commanding 
U. S. S. Lexington. 

U. S. Gunboat Lexington, 
Tennessee River, February 6, 1862. 

Sir: During the late attack upon Fort Henry there were 
expended on board this vessel 37 10-second and 15-second 
shell. The guns were served with much precision, the shells 
in almost every instance falling and exploding in the fort. 

I am happy to be able to report no casualties, the vessel 
escaping unhurt, although during the action the shot of the 
enemy at times fell very near us. 

I can not speak too highly of the spirit and patriotism 
displayed by the officers and men of this vessel. 

Congratulating you upon the successful termination of 
the attack upon the fort by the squadron under your com- 
mand, and upon your having once more planted the flag of 
our Union upon the soil of Tennessee, 

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, 

James W. Shirk, 
Lieutenant, Commanding. 
Flag-Officer A. H. Foote, 

Commanding U. S. Naval Forces on the Western Waters. 



Report of Lieutenant Phelps, U. S. Navy, commanding 
U. S. 5, Conestoga. 

U. S. Gunboat Conestoga, 
Fort Henry, Tenn., February 6, 1862. 

Sir: In conformity with your directions, the division of 
gunboats under my command, consisting of the Tyler, Lieu- 
tenant Commanding Gwin: Lexington, Lieutenant Command- 
ing Shirk, and this vessel, in the attack of this morning on 
this work, took up a position upon the left bank of the river 



24 REPORT 

and opened fire with shells immediately after your first gun 
was fired and continued firing- till the rebel flag was hauled 
down, having succeeded in throwing shells without firing 
over your flagship or over the other iron-plated boats in close 
contest with the fort. There were fired from this vessel 75 
32-pounder shells, 14 12-pounder rifled shells, and 2 round 
shot. No injury was done either of the vessels and no cas- 
ualties occurred, though we were at times exposed to the 
ricochet of the close fire upon your vessel, as well as to the 
direct fire of a 32-pounder rifled piece till it burst. The 
commanders of the T^^erand Lexington handled their vessels 
with excellent judgment. I enclose their reports. The 
officers and crew of this vessel displayed coolness and an ad- 
mirable spirit in this action. 

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, 

S. L. Phelps, 
Lieutenant, Commanding, U. S. Navy. 
Flag-Officer a. H. Foote, 

Commanding Naval Forces, Western Waters. 



Congratulatory letter from Brigadier=Qeneral McCIernand, U.S. 
Army, to Flag=Officer Foote, U. 5. Navy, and announcing 
change of name of Fort Henry to Fort Foote. ^ 

Headquarters 1st Division, 
Fort Foote {late Henry), Tenn., February 7, 1862, 

Dear Sir: As an acknowledgment of the consummate 
skill with which you brought your gunboats into action yes- 
terday, and of the address and bravery displayed by your- 
self and your command, I have taken the liberty of giving 
the late Fort Henry the new and more appropriate name of 
Fort Foote. 

Please pardon the liberty I have taken without first se- 
curing your concurrence, as I am hardly disposed to do, con- 
sidering the liberty which you took in capturing the fort 
yesterday without my cooperation. 

Very respectfully, yours, etc., 

John A. McClernand, 
Brigadier- General, Commanding First Division. 
Commodore A. H. Foote, 

Flag- Officer, Western Waters. 

1 From N. R. 22—544. 



FLAG OFFICER FOOTE 25 

Information given by a Confederate gunner who was in Fort 
Henry during attack. 

Fort Henry, February <S, 1862. 

Sir: The following is the information I received from a 
gunner of the above fort on the 8th day of February, 1862: 

The center boat, or the boat with the red stripes around the top of 
her smokestacks, was the boat which caused the greatest execution. 
It was one of her guns which threw a ball against the muzzle of one of 
our guns, disabling it for the remainder of the contest. The Caronde- 
let (as I subsequently found her name to be) at each shot committed 
more damage than any other boat. She was the object of our hatred, 
and many a gun from the fort was leveled at her alone. To her I give 
more credit than any other boat in capturing one of our strongest 
places. 

I was also informed at Fort Donelsonby Captain Morgan, 
a prisoner, that the day previous to the general fight the 
Carondelet did more damage than the four boats combined 
the day succeeding. 

Respectfully, your obedient servants, 

Chas. H. Caven, 
First Assistant Engineer. 
Geo. J. W. Nexsen, 
Paymaster, U. S. Navy. 
H. Walke, 

Commanding U. S. Gunboat Carondelet. 



Additional report of Flag=Officer Foote, U. 5. Navy, correcting 
previous statements.' 

Cairo, February 10, 1862. 

Sir: I have the honor to inform the Department that I 
received a letter this morning from General Lloyd Tilghman, 
who was captured at Fort Henry, in which he calls my at- 
tention to a statement in my telegram announcing Fort 
Henry to have contained seventeen mortars,^ and respect- 
fully asks me to have this statement corrected. You will 
perceive that I did not speak at all of mortars. I made no 

1 From N. R. 22—548. For original report, dated February 7, see 
R. R. 7—122 or N. R. 22-537. 

2 The telegram here referred to is given in N. R. 22—537 and reads 
in part: "The fort with 20 guns and 17 mounted, was defended by 
General Tilghman with the most determined gallantry." 



26 REPORT 

allusion to them at all, and the mistake, no doubt, arose at 
the printer's office. 

I overestimated the number of barracks, tents, etc., no 
doubt, when I stated them in my report to be sufficient for 
the accommodation of 15,000 men. I am told that they could 
only have accommodated about 6,000 men. I also stated 
twenty guns to have been in the fort, supposing that three 
were there not mounted, and three or five guns instead of 
seven were rendered Jiors de combat. 

I was at Fort Henry but about three hours and not in 
the fort at all, hence it is not at all surprising that a few 
errors should have crept into my report. 

I make this statement cheerfully, as I always want to 
have matters represented in accordance with facts; but, in 
this instance. General Tilghman fought so gallantly, and his 
bearing being that of a hightoned gentleman, my respect 
for him induces me to make this full statement. I see noth- 
ing in him but admirable points of character, except his 
perverted notions about his duties to the Union. 
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, 

your obedient servant, 

A. H. FooTE. 
Hon. Gideon Welles, 
Secretary of the Navy. 



Letter from Flag Officer Foote, United States Navy, to General 
Tilghman, C. 5. Army, transmitting copy of report cor= 
recting statements made in previous report to the Depart= 
ment. 

Cairo, February 10, IS 02. 

Sir: Your note of the 9th instant, referring to my official 
telegram to the Navy Department, and requesting me to 
correct an error where mortars are referred to, has been 
received. 

I have, as you will see by the enclosed letter to the 
Secretary of the Navy, stated to him that I did not speak of 
mortars at all in my telegram, which was probably by mis- 
take introduced by the printer. 

The haste in which my dispatch was prepared, or rather 
the short time I remained after the fort surrendered, I find 



FLAG OFFICER FOOTE 27 

has led me into several little errors referred to in my letter 
to the Secretary. Still, to show that I intended to represent 
matters fairly, I did not, either in my telegrams or report, 
speak of our four armored boats only having, I believe with 
a single exception, fired or used but the 11-inch bore guns — 
two in the Essex and three in the other three boats. I ap- 
preciate your high qualities of courage and other character- 
istics (always excepting your disunion views and conduct) 
too highly not to wish to do you every justice. 

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

A. H. FooTB, 

Flag- Officer. 
General Lloyd Tilghman, 

Pad It en h, Ky. 



Report of Flag=Officer Foote, U. S. Navy, transmitting lists of 
officers attached to participating vessels.^ 

Cairo, February 7 7, 1802. 

Sir: As the officers behaved so well in the late action 
resulting in the capture of Fort Henry, I am disposed to 
gratify them-by sending the accompanying list of officers 
attached to the different boats engaged in that action. 

I leave again to-night with the Louisville, Pittsburg, and 
St. Louis for the Cumberland River, to cooperate with the 
army in the attack on Fort Donelson. I go reluctantly, as 
we are very short of men, and transferring men from vessel 
to vessel, as we have to do, is having a very demoralizing 
effect upon them; 28 ran off to-day, hearing that they were 
again to be sent out of their vessels. I do hope that the 600 
men will be sent immediately. I shall do all in my power to 
render the gunboats effective in the fight, although they are 
not properly manned, but I must go, as General Halleck 
wishes it. If we could wait ten days, and I had men, I 
would go with eight mortar boats and six armored boats and 
conquer. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, 

A. H. FooTE, 

Flag- Officer. 
Hon. Gideon Welles, 

Secretary of the Navy. 

1 From N, R. 22—550. (Lists of officers omitted.) 



28 REPORT 

Letter from Brigadier=Qeneral Grant, U. S. Army, to Com= 
mander Waike, U. S. Navy, requesting cooperation in the 
destruction of railroad bridge over Tennessee River. ^ 

Headquarters at Cairo, 
Fort Henry, Tenn., February 7, 1862. 

Captain: The party that went up the river last night 
for the purpose of destroying the railroad bridge had ,to re- 
turn without accomplishing their object, in consequence of 
finding the bridge guarded. I would request that you go 
up with your boat to-day and take some 20 men that I will 
furnish to do the job. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

[U. S. Grant,] 
Brigadier -General. 
Captain Walke, 

Commanding Gunboat Flotilla. 



Report of Commander Walke, U. 5. Navy, regarding destruc- 
tion of railroad bridge, in accordance with instructions from 
Brigadier=Qeneral Grant. 

U. S. Gunboat Carondelet, 
Fori Henry, Tennessee River, February 8, 1862. 

Sir: I have just returned from destroying the bridges 
of the Memphis and Bowling Green Railroad (up this river), 
where I was instructed to proceed by General Grant on the 
7th instant. Colonel [J. D.] Webster, with other oflficers, 
and two companies of sharpshooters, accompanied me to do 
the job. 

We found the place deserted by rebel troops, who left 
their tents, wagons, etc., some of which we brought here. 

I am nearly out of coal and provisions. 

The magazine and shell rooms of this vessel leak badly, 
and it is doubtful whether our carpenter can stop it, unless 
the vessel is lightened so that he can get at it, 

I suspect that some of our rifle shell have not been filled, 
as there is great difference in the weight of them, and I 
picked up one in Fort Henry with the fuze out, but there was 
no evidence of its having been filled with powder. They re- 

1 FromN. R. 72-574. 



NEWSPAPER ITEMS 29 

quire gauging. All is well on board. We expended 101 shell 
and 1 solid shot on Fort Henry. The Conestoga, Tyler and 
Lexington have not returned. 

Most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

H. Walke, 
Commander, U. S. Navy. 
Flag-Officer a. H. Foote, 

Comm.anding Naval Forces, Western Waters. 



Newspaper Items ^ 

[telegram.] 

Baltimore, February 12, 1862. 

The following dispatches relate to Federal movements 
in Tennessee. The Southern papers contain following inter- 
esting items: 

Lynchburg, Va., February Z6^.— The Lynchburg Virginian has re- 
ceived a private dispatch from Chattanooga dated on the 9th instant, 
which states that the Federal gunboats reached Florence about 4 o'clock 
p. m. yesterday. Troops were landed and the town occupied by them. 
They went up within a mile of Tuscumbia, Ala., last night. This morn- 
ing they left and took to their gunboats. A later dispatch to the Vir- 
ginian from Chkttanooga, dated to-day, says the reported fight at Bear 
Creek is untrue. The Lincolnites had again returned to Florence. No 
bridges had been burned on the railroad. Communication was entirely 
cutoff between Chattanooga and Memphis. The Federals are landing 
at Eastport, Miss., 30 miles below Florence on the Tennessee River. 

Memphis, Tenn., February 10. — The Federal gunboats passed 
down the Tennessee River from Florence yesterday and carried off 
large quantities of Government stores. The Florence steamers, Rohb 
and Dunbar, are safe. They ran up Cypress Creek at the approach of 
the enemy. No injury was done to pi'ivate property or to the railroad. 
The enemy is expected back soon. About 500 Federal cavalry were 
landed from the gunboats. 

Savannah, Hardin County, Tenn., February 10. — About 10 
o'clock yesterday the railroad bridge over the Tennessee River was 
held by 250 Federals. The work had not been injured by the enemy. 
They say that within two weeks they will have possession of the entire 
road. 

Nashville, February /^. —Passengers who arrived here this even- 
ing by steamboat state that our scouts report that the Federal infantry 
and cavalry were within 4 miles of Fort Donelson on yesterday. Other 
passengers say that the Federal gunboats were in sight of the fort on 
yesterday. A private dispatch from Clarksville to-day says that Fort 

IProm N. R. 22—578. cf. Report Lieut. Phelps, R. R. 7—153. 



30 REPORT 

Donelson is safe and can not be taken. The Federals destroyed sev- 
eral spans of the bridge at Florence connecting with Tuscumbia. 
There were six steamboats at Florence, two of which were captured. 
The other four were set on fire and burned by the citizens of Florence. 
A private dispatch received this evening from Decatur says every- 
thing is quiet. The trains will run regularly on the Memphis and 
Charleston Railroad. 

Nbw Orleans. February 10. — Private and general dispatches sus- 
tain the report that reconnoitering gunboats had gone up the Ten- 
nessee River as high as Florence. 

Nashville, February 10.^ A private dispatch received last night 
from Florence states that the gunboats had left that place. Fort Don- 
elson had been largely reinforced but no advices received of move- 
ments there. 

Fulton. 
Captain Fox. 



Report of Commander Walke, U. S. Navy, commanding U. S. S. 
Carondelet, regarding instructions received from Briga= 
dier=Qeneral Grant, U. S. Army.^ 

U. S. Gunboat Carondelet, 

Paducah, February 10, IS 62. 

Sir: I received instructions from General Grant this 
evening to proceed with this vessel to Fort Donelson, 
on the Cumberland River to cooperate with our army in that 
vicinity. I expect to meet you before I reach there. The 
Alps will take me in tow. I will coal at Paducah. General 
Grant will send the Tijler, Lexington, and Conestoga after 
me. 

We heard that you were on your way to Fort Donelson, 
but I hear no tidings of you here to-night. 

The T^^er had just returned from up the Tennessee River 
as far as navigable. She, with the Lexington and Conestoga, 
destroyed or captured all the enemy's boats, broke up their 
camps, and made a prize of their new gunboat. 

I write this in anticipation of not seeing you before I 
leave here, as I am (or the Carondelet is) very slow, and 
General Grant desires that I should be at Fort Donelson as 
soon as I can get there. But I hope you will overtake me, 
or send me your orders on this occasion, as I am now acting 
upon your general instructions, repeated at Fort Henry. 

1 From N. R. 22—583. See letter Grant to Foote R. R. 7—600. 



COMMANDER WALKE 31 

I expected to send this letter from here to-night, but I 
am disappointed in this also. 

Most respectfully and truly, your obedient servant, 

H. Walke, 
Commander, U. 8. Navy. 
Flag-OflHcer A. H. Foote, 

Commanding U. S. Naval Forces, Western Waters. 



Order of Flag^Officer Foote, U. S. Navy, to Lieutenant Phelps, 
U. S. Navy, for the movement of gunboats up the Cum= 
berland River, for cooperation with the Army. 

Cairo, February 10, IS 62. 

Sir: It is important that all the available gunboats should 
immediately proceed up the Cumberland River and in co- 
operation with the aimy make an attack on Fort Donelson, 
and then proceed up to Clarksville and destroy the bridge, 
thus preventing all communication of the rebels between 
Bowling Green and Columbus, as well as their communica- 
tion or means of sending troops to the Tennessee River. Of 
this you are well aware. I want you, therefore, with the 
Conestoga, to meet me here, and I will take two or three of 
the armored boats with me and then proceed up the Cumber- 
land in the furtherance of these views. 

I regret that the want of men will render this expedi- 
tion less efficient than it should be, considering its object, 
but I trust that we may accomplish all that is required. 

I hope that you will come down to Cairo immediately on 
receiving this communication. 

Show this letter to Commander Walke, if he is still at 

Fort Henry; if he is not there, show it to General Grant or 

to General McClernand. 

I am, respectfully, yours, 

[A. H. Foote], 

Flag -Officer. 
Lieutenant Commanding S. L. Phelps. 

Report of Commander Walke ' 

U. S. Gunboat CARONDELEr, 
Near Fort Donelson, Cunnherland River, February 15, lSt>2. 

Sir: I arrived here (towed by the Alps) on the 12th in- 
stant, about 11:20 a. m., and seeing or hearing nothing of 

1 From N. R. 22 - 4«7. (See Narrative in B. & L. 1—480.) ForRe- 
port of Flag Officer A. H. Foote, see R. R. 7—166. 



32 REPORT 

our army, I threw a few shell into Fort Donelson to an- 
nounce my arrival to General Grant, as he had previously 
desired. I then dropped down the river a few miles and 
anchored for the night, waiting General Grant's arrival. On 
the morning of the 13th instant, I weighed anchor and came 
again to this place, when I received a dispatch from General 
Grant notifying me of his arrival the day before, and suc- 
ceeded in getting position almost entirely investing the 
enemy's works. "Most of our batteries" (he writes) "are 
[now] established, and the remainder soon will be. If you 
will advance with your gunboats at 10 o'clock a. m., we will 
be ready to take advantage of every diversion in our favor." 
I immediately complied with these instructions by throwing 
some 139 15-second and lO-second shell into the fort, receiv- 
ing on return the enemy's fire from all their batteries, most 
of their shot passing over us, and but two striking us, oneof 
which was 128 pounds solid [shot]. It passed through our 
port casemate forward, glancing over our barricade at the 
boilers, and again over the steam drum, it struck and, burst- 
ing our steam heater, fell into the engine room without 
striking any person, although the splinters wounded slightly 
some half dozen of the crew. I then dropped down to this 
anchorage, but, the sound of distant firing being heard, we 
again attacked the fort, throwing in some 45 shell and re- 
ceiving but little damage. 

I returaed to this place to await for further orders, when 
I received a second dispatch from General Grant that you 
were expected on the following morning. 

I am, sir, most respectfully, your obedient servant, 

H. Walke, 
Commander^ U. 8. Navy. 
Flag -Officer A. H. Foote, 

Commanding, U. S. Natml Forces, Western Waters, Cairo, III. 

Report of Commander Walke, U. S. Navy, Commanding 

U. S. S. Carondelet^ 

U. S. Gunboat Carondelet, 
Cumberland River, February 15, IS 62. 

Sir: I hereby report the part which the gunboat 
Carondelet took in the bombardment of Fort Donelson on 
the 14th instant. 

1 From N. R.— 590. 



COMMANDER WALKE 33 

Agreeable to your instructions we weighed anchor at 2 
p.m. and steamed up the river, slowly approaching the fort 
and keeping a little in advance of our position, on your 
extreme left, against the eastern bank of the river. 

At 3 p.m. commenced firing at about a mile distant from 
the fort, continuing a deliberate and well-directed firing 
from the instant your vessel commenced, and keeping up 
the same until about 5:30 p.m., and until all the fleet had 
dropped down the river out of the enemy's range. • 

During the engagement one of our rifled guns burst, at 
about 5 p.m., our officers and men serving the remaining 
two guns faithfully as long as the enemy were within reach. 
We suffered most severely in the latter part of the action, 
being disabled by a shot striking our wheelhouse and jam- 
ming the wheel, and being the last out of the enemy's 
reach. 

I am sorry to add that an 8-inch shell, apparently from 
our flotilla, burst astern of us, the fragments of which 
penetrated our casemate. We were struck with 35 of the 
enemy's shot, 128-pounders to 32-pounders, solid. Four of 
our crew were killed and 32 wounded, some dangerously, 
one of whom is our pilot. In all, 46 wounded since the 
battle and capture of Fort Henry. Our boats are so much 
cut up that I have but one fit for service. We leak badly 
forward and aft, and require extensive repairs above and 
below watermark, and in almost every department. 

The officers and crew (on duty) conducted themselves 
with admirable coolness and fidelity during the engagement. 
But I must, in justice to J. R. Hall, gunner, U. S. Navy, 
and Edward E. Brennand, master's mate, state that their 
intrepid and efficient conduct, under all emergencies, de- 
serves my highest commendation. 

We are in want of coal, provisions, and ammunition. 

I have the honor to be, sir, most respectfully, your 
obedient servant. 

H. Walke, 
Commander, U. S. Navy. 
Flag-Offlcer A. H. Foote, 

Commanding U. 8. Naval Forces, Western Waters. 

P. S.— As we dropped out of the action, the Pittsburg, 



34 REPORT 

as she turned, struck us on our starboard quarter and broke 

off our starboard rudder iron. 

H. Walke. 

[The retained copy of this report in the Walke papers 
contains an additional postscript, as follows:] 

P. S. — The above 8-inch shell was fired from the gun- 
boat Tyler and exploded a short distance astern of us, and a 
fragment (which is in ray possession) struck the Carvndelet 
and penetrated her stern casemating, from whence it was 
taken by the carpenters when they were repairing the 

Carondelet at Mound City. 

H. Walke. 



Report of Lieutenant Thompson, U. S. Navy, Commanding 
U. S. S. Pittsburg.' 

U. S. Gunboat Pittsburg, 

Cairo, III., February 17, 1862. 

Sir: I would respectfully report to you my movements 
from Tuesday evening, 11th instant, to date, including my 
participation in the attack by the gunboats on Fort Donelson. 

Underway.— Kt Cairo, Tuesday, 7:15, p.m., we got 
underway, in company with the St Louis (flagship) and 
Louisville, and started up the Ohio River. 

Accident to boiler. — Wednesday, 2:45 p.m., a bolt came 
out of the boiler, which did not prevent the boat's run- 
ning, as, owing to the skill and activity displayed by the 
chief engineer, the boiler was repaired sufficiently well to 
prevent our being left behind to make repairs, so, at 4 
o'clock, we were ready to continue up the river in company 
with the other boats of the flotilla. 

Alarm of fire.— -While those repairs were being made an 
alarm of fire was given, owing to the bulkhead on the star-, 
board side of the engine taking fire from its too close 
proximity to the boiler. Prompt action in extinguishing the 
fire saved us, perhaps, from a fearful calamity. 

Pilot— At Paducah we took on board another pilot, who 
remained with us until Saturday, 15th, 2 p.m., when I 

1 From N. R. 22—592. 



LIEUTENANT THOMPSON 35 

allowed him to be transferred to a transport in need of the 
services of a pilot. 

Wednesday, 12th. —Wednesday, 12th, 8 p.m., arrived at 
Smithland, at the mouth of the Cumberland River, and there 
took another pilot, who was dismissed on our return to 
Smithland on Monday, 17th, at 3:20 p.m. 

Thursday, 13th, protection to 6oi^ers. —Thursday, 13th, 
had 100 bread bags filled with coal and stowed around the 
boilers as likely to afford some protection to the latter against 
shot. Subsequently, during the day, increased that pro- 
tection by adding the men's hammocks to the coal bags. 

Anchored 2 miles from Donelson.~10:15 p.m. came to 
anchor during a heavy fall of snow alongside the Carondelet, 
about two miles this side of Fort Donelson. 

Friday, 6:30 a.m., carpenter and his men at work pre- 
paring cots. 

2:10 p.m., weigh anchor and start toward the fort, 
gradually approaching same, in company with the other 
gunboats, until at 2:40 p.m., we fired a round of 15-second 
shell from our three bow guns. Still approaching with 
caution nearer and nearer the fort, we continued firing shell, 
reducing the 15-second to the 5-second fuze, until within 
about 450 yards of the fort, up to which time, 4:15 p.m., we 
had expended 111 rounds of powder, throwing 105 shells and 
six rounds of grape, when, discovering that the flagship had 
fallen astern and all the other boats but one were drifting 
out of range, and that we could not float much longer from 
the way the boat was making water, I fell down stream and 
only kept afloat long enough to get out of range of the 
enemy's guns by running my guns aft, thus lightening her 
at the bow, where she had received two large shot between 
wind and water. That was the termination of my action in 
that affair, which lasted just one hour and thirty-five 
minutes. 

Injuries. —The injuries sustained by the boat are numer- 
ous, having received at least 30 shots. The principal dis- 
asters are the two shot holes on bow, already alluded to. 
The next in importance, perhaps, is a 128-pound round shot 
through the pilot house, in which at the time were the four 
pilots, none of whom were injured. The probable cause of 



36 REPORT 

that shot entering is owing to the pilot house having been 
previously struck by a rifle shot near the same spot, which 
shot parted and thus weakened the joints of the iron plates 
in that particular locality. 

Another shot entered the middle bow port, and passed 
out at the stern, through the cabin, first cutting its way 
through a stack of hammocks and coal bags, escape pipe, 
wheelhouse, etc., not touching a man. 

We are fortunate in having to report but two. men se- 
verely wounded and not a man killed. The names of the 
wounded are George Smith, 2d, seaman, whom it was diffi- 
cult to draw from his gun after receiving his wounds, he 
insisting that he could still go on fighting. The other, quite 
as brave a seaman, Thomas Merwin by name, had his skull 
fractured; he also wished to join in the fight again after be- 
ing for a few moments in the hands of the surgeon. Both 
men are doing as well as could be expected. 

During the whole time of engaging with the enemy, 
both officers and men (the majority of each for the first time 
under fire) behaved with proper coolness, and would gladly, 
I believe, if our disabled condition had not precluded the 
possibility of it, have continued the action with gusto, ap- 
pearing to have just reached the height of the fighting 
point when we were compelled to drop downstream. 

The two men wounded, I believe to have been struck by 
pieces of one of the cast-iron chocks which was hit by one 
of the many balls received in and around that quarter. 

The pumps on board were not sufficient to keep the boat 
afloat, nor had we material of which to construct others. Had 
this been the case we might in a short time have put the 
boat in a condition to renew the attack, if desirable, for a 
while longer. At 4:15, after dropping down the river about 
a mile and a half, we made the boat fast to the shore; had 
leaks stopped by working steadily through the night as well 
as the work could be done under the circumstances. Re- 
mained here until Saturday, 2:15 p.m., when we got under- 
way for Cairo. 9:45 p.m. came to anchor about 35 miles 
above Smithland, the fog rendering it dangerous to run. 

Sunday, 16th, 1:35 p.m. —Got underway again for Cairo. 
3:15, joint of the safety valve loosened, causing steam to 



COMMANDER DOVE 37 

escape so fast as to fill the gun deck in a few moments. Hav- 
ing repaired valve, at 11:30 got underway, and Monday, 
17th, 3:20 a.m., arrived at Smithland and sent ashore the 
pilot, as before stated; continued on our way down the river 
until 9:50, when we arrived at Cairo, having been absent, 
say, five days and fourteen hours. 

Referring to the accompanying communications from 
the engineer and carpenter of the boat, I remain, sir. 
Most respectfully, your very obedient servant, 

Egbert Thompson, 
Lieutenant, Commanding. 
Flag-OflBcer A. H. Poote, 

Cairo, III. 



Report of Commander Dove^ 

U. S. Gunboat Louisville, 
Off Dover, February 16,1862. 

Sir: At 2:30 p.m. yesterday, shortly after your departure, 
I received the enclosed dispatch (No. 1)- from General Grant. 

It seemed of so much importance for us to keep up a 
show of force that I decided not to accompany the Pittsburg 
down the river. 

I immediately went on board the Carondelet and St. Louis 
to see their condition and consult with their commanders. 

The Carondelet could not well be moved, but I ordered 
up the St. Louis and followed up with this vessel. The St. 
Louis threw a few shells, and toward dark both vessels re- 
turned to their former anchorage. 

At 8:30 p. m. yesterday I received the dispatch marked 
No. 2, ^ and early this morning went on board the vessels to 
give instructions. 

The condition of the Carondelet's wounded would not 
allow them to be moved or the guns to be used. I sent my 
own and those of the St. Louis on board one of the trans- 
ports and got underway, steaming up toward the batteries 
at Fort Donelson, both vessels cleared for action. 

On approaching near enough two white flags were seen 
flying from the upper one. I then stopped the gunboats and 

" 1 From N. R. 22—588. 

2 Not given. Probably that printed in R. R. 7—618. 

3 Not given. 



38 TESTIMONY 

proceeded in the tug with a white flag flying, and landed at 
the foot of the hill below the fort. I was met by ^ major, 
who offered me his sword, which 1 declined to receive, think- 
ing it most proper to consult with General Grant. I took 
the major on board the tug and proceeded up to General 
Buckner's headquarters, where I found General Wallace 
and his aids. General Grant arrived about a half hour after- 
wards. The fort had surrendered, but what were the con- 
ditions I was not officially informed. 

The transports are all up at Dover to receive the 
prisoners. 

The Carondelet being most disabled of the gunboats, 
will go down this afternoon. 

I will remain here with this vessel and the St. Louis 
until further orders, or until the fall of the river compels 
me to go down. The St Louis will make a short reconnois- 
sance up the river, at General Grant's suggestion, this after- 
noon. This vessel will remain off the town. 

The Graham arrived to-day with the mortar and gun- 
boat ammunition. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Benj. M. Dove, 

Commander. 
Flag-Officer a. H. Foote, 

Commanding Mississippi Flotilla. 



Testimony of Major=Qeneral L. Wallace, in the case of 
Commander Dove, U. S. Navy. 

Interrogatory 1. Please state your name and rank in the 
U. S. Army. 

Answer. Lewis Wallace. I have the honor to be a major-general 
in the U. S. Army. 

Question 2. In what service during the rebellion have 
you engaged in which Commander Dove took part? 

Answer. In the combined expedition which resulted in the cap- 
ture of Forts Henry and Donelson. 

Question 3. Please state to the board, from what you 

saw of him at Donelson or other places on the Cumberland 

and Mississippi rivers, your opinion as to his conduct and 

abilities; also as to his judgment. 

Answer. I am a poor sailor and must be permitted to judge Com- 
mander Dove by results. 



GENERAL WALLACE 39 

I recollect well — indeed, I shall always remember— the disappoint- 
ment of the army at Donelson when Commodore Foote's attack upon 
the water battery failed. 

Our first news of the affair was that the ironclads had all been dis- 
abled, and, with the commander, gone down to Cairo for repairs. 
Next day in the afternoon, if my memory is right as to the time. Gen- 
eral Charles F. Smith and myself, under orders, assaulted the rebel 
line, he on the left of our position, I on the right. While my division 
was engaged, the guns of the fleet opened fire again. 

I recollect yet the positive pleasure the sounds gave me. I recol- 
lect thinking, too, of the obstinacy and courage of the commodore, 
and how well timed his attack was, if, as I made no doubt, it was made 
to assist General Smith and mj'self — I say the commodore, for at the 
moment I supposed him yet in command. 

Now, as to whether the attack was of assistance to us, I don't 
think there is room to question it. It distracted the enem3''s attention, 
and I fully believe it was the gunboats, the awful ironclads especially, 
that operated to prevent a general movement of the rebels up the 
river, or across it, the night before the surrender. 

That opportune attack by the fleet was, I thought, and yet think' 
of very great assistance, both in bringing about the surrender so early 
and in producing for the reason given the net result in the way of 
prisoners, and that it saved to the ironclads their reputation for in- 
vincibility in the minds of both the national and rebel armies— a repu- 
tation based upon the astonishing success at Donelson — is, I think, 
equally indisputable. 

Had the fleet not made an appearance that way, or had it gone 
down the river with the commodore, we would have had the same 
difficulties upon the Tennessee River when the expedition was sub- 
sequently extended up to Savannah and Pittsburg Landing as now 
almost close the Mississippi. 

At the time I was not aware who was in command of the fleet. 
Since that I have been informed it was my gallant friend. Commander 
Dove. I can not help believing that the navy on the Western rivers 
was as much indebted to him for his promptitude and judgment at 
Donelson as were General Smith and myself, and General Grant 
with us. 

Question 4. Please state to the board under what 
circumstances you met Commander Dove on the morning of 
February 16, 1862. 

Answer. At daybreak that morning, on the extreme right of our 
lines, I formed my division for an assault upon the rebel works. 

The formation was in progress when a white flag was brought 
out, and the officer in charge, a Major Rogers, of the Second rebel 
Mississippi, reported as enquiring for me. I rode forward and met 
him. He had been sent by General Buckner to inform me, as com- 
manding officer on the right, that he had capitulated during the night. 



40 TESTIMONY 

Upon this I instantly ordered my command to advance and take 
possession of the enemy's works and secure the prisoners and pubHc 
property. 

Sending Major [W. E] Rogers under escort of one of my aids to 
General Grant, I rode into Dover to General Buckner's headquarters. 

I found the general, with his staff, at breakfast. Before the war, 
he and 1, and everyone at the table, had been friends, between whom, 
on several occasions, military courtesies had been interchanged. By 
invitation, I joined the party and breakfasted with them while waiting 
for General Grant. 

We had been thus engaged, eating and talking the battles over, 
for probably three-quarters of an hour, when an officer of the fleet 
was announced, and Commander Dove entered. 

After introducing himself to Buckner, he addressed some en- 
quiries to me, relative, I think, to the capitulation and its terms. I 
explained the situation to him, and told him that I was waiting for 
General Grant. After some general conversation I think he retired. 

His appearance surprised me, and I remember giving way to 
some jealous suspicions. I even called the attention of Lieutenant 
[Addison] Ware, one of my aids, to the commander's promptitude, 
and remarked that the navy seemed to be abroad very early; they 
were looking for swords, perhaps. I flattered myself, however, that 
this time I had been about three-quarters of an hour ahead of him. 

This is about all the circumstances I now recall having reference 

to Commander Dove. 

Lew Wallace, 
Major-General Eighth Army Corps 
and Commanding Middle Department.^ 

1 General Lew Wallace commanded the Middle Department, 
March 22, 1864, to February 1, 1865. 



CONFEDERATE CORRESPONDENCE 



Port Donelson, February 4, 1862 — 4.05 p.m.' 
(Received 5th.) 
General Floyd : 

Gun-boats and transports in Tennessee River. Enemy 
landing in force five miles below Fort Henry. 

TiLGHMAN. 



Bowling Green, February 6, 1862.^ 
General Floyd : 

Fort Henry has fallen, says Colonel Head, commanding 
Fort Donelson. Bridge over Tennessee destroyed, says tele- 
graph operator. You had better keep yourself informed of 
the state of affairs in Clarksville through General Pillov^^, as 
you move. 

For General Johnston: 

W. W. Mackall, 
Assistant Adjutant- General. 



Confidential] Hdqrs. Central Army of Kentucky, ^ 

Bowling Green, February 7, 1862. 
General T. 0. Hindman, 

Commanding Advance Forces: 

General: It is desirable that you should at once send 
all your sick and baggage here. The loss of the Tennessee 
River and the probable loss of the Cuml- liand renders our 
position here not so formidable, and it mi..- )e necessary for 
us to change front. Talk loudly of an aa cince as the only 
means of extricating us, that is, if you It. Ik at all, and our 
invincible determination to hold on to Bow ing Green at all 
hazards and to the last extremity. I suppo.-,e, of course, the 

1 From R. R. 110—263. 

2 From R. R. 110—266. 41 



42 CONFEDERATE 

enemy has heard of the fall of Henry. You had better 
draw nearer to us; not nearer than Oakland. 
With high respect, your obedient servant, 

W. J. Hardee, 

Major -General. 



Headquarters Western Department,^ 

Bowling Green, Ky., February 8, 1862, 
General Hardee, 

Commanding Bowling Green: 

General Johnston directs you to order Brigadier-General 
Floyd to send a battery to [re] port to Brigadier-General 
Pillow at Clarksville, Tenn. 

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

W. W. Mackall, 

Assistant Adjutant General. 



Bowling Green, February 8, 1862.^ 
General Floyd: 

Although the employment of your forces after arriving 
at Clarksville has been left to your discretion, I deem it 
proper that you ascertain whether the enemy will hold his 
force to attack Fort Donelson in conjunction with gun-boats 
or move them against Clarksville direct. 

W. W. Mackall. 



Headquarters Second Brigade, February 8, 1862.^ 
General Floyd : 

Sir: We have heard firing down the river. As we are 
on the outpost it becomes my duty to inform you of the fact 
at once. I have posted the necessary infantry pickets, and 
would suggest that a cavalry detachment be sent over im- 
mediately and sent as a scouting party down the railroad in 
the direction of the bridge recently destroyed by the enemy. 
I have also heard that th e enemy are landing troops at that 

1 From R. R. 110—266. 

2 From R. R. 110—267. 



CORRESPONDENCE 43 

point. These facts and suggestions are respectfully sub- 
mitted for your consideration. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 

Jno. McCausland, 
Colonel, Commanding Second Brigade. 



Bowling Green, February 9, 1862.^ 
General Floyd, 

Clarksville: 

General Beauregard recommends you to make as many 
small traverses as possible in your v^orks for protection 
against shells. Construct them of sand-bags if you have 
them; otherwise of timber filled in with earth. 

W. J. Hardee, 

Major- General. 



Fort Donelson, February 8 [10], 1862.^ 
General Floyd : 

I reached this place in time to walk through the work 
before dark. The works are not completed, nor do I con- 
sider them well conceived. But I find them fully as well 
prepared for defense as I expected. I will push everything 
with all the energy I can command. The trouble is the 
want of everything— tools, lumber, and the necessary equip- 
ments of the artillery. From the imperfect examination of 
the ground and its surroundings I feel very confident of 
holding it against an assault by infantry, and if I am allowed 
time to complete the works and mount all the guns I have 
confidence in being able to resist an attack of their gun-boats 
if they are vulnerable to all metal. The enemy are reported 
in strong force both sides of the Tennessee River and on the 
road approaching this place. He still occupies Fort Henry 
and holds Tilghman there yet. Their body of infantry is 
still below Fort Henry. It is said by scouts and citizens 
that there are two gun-boats eight or ten m'les below here. 
It is absolutely necessary for the healtl < ' the troops that 
their tents shall be pushed forward as <., dly as possible, 

1 From R. R. 110—267. 

2 From R. R. 110—268. 



44 CONFEDERATE 

and I shall stand in great need of General Buckner. Will 
you order him down as early as possible. I will communicate 
more fully to-morrow, and advise you by telegram via Cum- 
berland City and couriers frequently that you may keep 
General Johnston well informed of our condition and wants. 
Your obedient servant, 

GiD. J. Pillow, 

Brigadier -General, C. S. Army. 



Fort Donelson, [February 10^] 1862—9 o^clockJ 
Brigadier-General Floyd: 

I have reached this place and find everything quiet. 
Enemy said to be [in] force on Tennessee River, and two 
gun-boats ten miles below. I have written you. 

GiD. J. Pillow, 

Brigadier -General. 



Fort Donelson, February 10, 1862.^ 
General Floyd : 

I request that you send General Buckner and Colonel 
Brown down immediately, as they are greatly needed. 

GiD. J. Pillow, 

Brigadier -General. 



Bowling Green, February 11, 1862.^ 

General Floyd : 

I give you full authority to make all the dispositions of 

your troops for the defense of Fort Donelson, Clarksville, 

and the Cumberland you may think proper. Acknowledge 

receipt of this. 

A. S. Johnston. 



Bowling Green, February 11, 1862.^ 
Brigadibr-General Floyd: 

Twice to-day I have telegraphed to you to command all 
the troops and use your judgment. Your report of the 
effect of our shot at Henry should encourage the troops and 
insure our success. If [at] the long range we could do so 

1 From R. R. 110—268. 

2 From R. R. 110—269. 



CORRESPONDENCE 45 

much damage, with the necessary short range on the Cum- 
berland [we] should destroy their boats. 

A. S. Johnston. 



Bowling Green, [February] 12, 1862^ 

General Floyd: 

Cumberland City: 

My information from Donelson is that a battle will be 
fought in the morning. Leave a small force at Clarksville 
and take the remainder, if possible, to Donelson to-night. 
Take all the ammunition that can be spared from Clarks- 
ville. The forces at Elkford and Whippoorwill bridges have 
been ordered to Clarksville. 

A. S. Johnston, 

General. 



Bowling Green, [February] 72, [1862].'^ 
General Floyd, 

Cumberland City: 

What nuTnber of men have you at Clarksville? What 
number at Donelson, and what are your means of defense 
at Clarksville? Answer at once. 

W. J. Hardee. 



Bowling Green, [February] 12, 1862.^ 
General J. B. Floyd, 

Cumberland City: 

Have ordered two infantry companies stationed at 
Whippoorwill and Elkford bridges to report to you. 

W. J. Hardee. 



Cumberland City, February 72, 1862 J 
General Floyd: 

(Forward to General Johnston, Bowling Green, Ky.) 

Steam-boat just arrived brings me a dispatch from my 
picket below Eddyville; says gun-boat and transports passed 
up 10 o'clock last night. I have heard ten heavy discharges 

1 From R. R. 110—271. " ~~ 



46 CONFEDERATE 

of artillery. I leave immediately for Donelson. Shall sus- 
pend order for Backner to fall back at present. 

GiD. J. Pillow. 



Fort Donelson, February 12, 2862.^ 
General Floyd sville: 

We shall h oattle in the morning, I think certainly, 

and an attack b i-boats. The enemy are all around my 

position and within distance to close in with me in ten min- 
utes' march. One i^un-boat came to-day and fired fifteen or 
twenty shells and retired. We gave no reply. I have sent 
up to Cumberland City for Baldwin's two regiments. Feel 
sanguine of victory, though I am not fully ready. I have 
done all that it was possible to do, and think I will drive 
back the enemy. 

GiD J. Pillow, 
Brigadier -General, C. S. Army. 

Operator will repeat to General Johnston and Governor 

Harris. 

GiD. J. Pillow. 



Cumberland City, [February] 12, [1862].^ 
Governor Isham G. Harris, Nashville, Tenn.: 

One gun-boat made its appearance in sight of Fort Don- 
elson this morning about 10 o'cock and opened a fire on the 
fort without injury, which fire the fort returned, when the 
boat retired. The Federals have landed in force, and the 
battle with light artillery commenced this evening. They 
are reported to have 10,000 or 12,000. We have the same 
number, probably more, to meet them. The steamer giving 
this news says when it left the battle was raging, but knows 
nothing further. I will telegraph you as fast as the news 
comes. Generals Pillow and Buckner are there. 

R. C. Wintebsmith. 



Cumberland City, February 13, 1S62—1.30 a.vi.- 
General Johnston : 

I anticipated your order which overtook me here. Ship- 
ping the balance of the troops from this point to Fort Donel- 

1 From R. R. 110—271. 

2 From R. R. 110—272. 



CORRESPONDENCE 47 

son. I will reach there before day, leaving a small guard 

here. 

Jno. B. Floyd, 

Brigadier- General. 



Fort Donelson, February 2,"?, [l<S6'2]—9.50 a.m.^ 
General Johnston: 

The enemy's gun-boats are advancing. They are in 
force around our entire works. Our field defenses are good. 
I think we can sustain ourselves against the land forces. I 
reached here this morning at daylight. 

Floyd, 
General. 



Fort Donelson, February 13, 1862.^ 
General Johnston: 

After two hours' cannonade the enemy has hauled off 
their gun-boats; will commence probably again. The attack 
on our intrenchments has been feeble, confined almost ex- 
clusively to field pieces up to this hour (11.30). 

Jno. B. Floyd, 

Brigadier -Gen eral. 



Fort Donelson, February 13, 1862— Night. ^ 
General Johnston: 

I learn from what seems to be reliable authority gath- 
ered from different sources that the enemy are concentrating 
upon the Tennessee River a force of 50,000 men or even 
more. They are said to be bringing re-enforcements from 
the Tennessee here to-night with the view of turning our 
position and intercepting our boats at Randolph Forge; six 
miles above us. which is practicable with artillery, then the 
road to Nashville would lay open to them. 

Jno. B. Floyd, 

Brigadier -General. 



Fort Donelson, February 14, 1862.- 
General Johnston: 

The enemy have reached the ground near the fort with 

eight or ten gun-boats, I am uncertain which, and fifteen 

1 From R. R. 110—272. 

2 From R. R. 110—273. 



48 CONFEDERATE 

transports reported to have on board near 20,000 men. They 
are now landing. This makes their force nearly 40,000 
strong. I will fight them this evening. 

Jno. B. Floyd, 

Brigadier -General. 



Fort Donelson, February 14, 1862.^ 
General Johns': : 

The eneni} ^ assaulting us with a most tremendous 

cannonade froi i-boats abreast the batteries, becoming 

general around \^hole line. I will make the best defense 

in my power. 

Jno. B. Floyd. 

Operator at Donelson says gun-boats passed and are 

right on him, 

[G. W.] Trabue. 



Fort Donelson, February 14, 1862.^ 
General Johnston: 

The fort cannot hold out twenty minutes. Our river 

batteries working admirably. Four gun-boats advancing 

abreast. 

Jno. B. Floyd, 

Brigadier- General, C. S. Army. 



Fort Donelson, February 14, 1862.^ 
General Johnston : 

The fort holds out. Three gun-boats have retired. 

Only one firing now. 

Jno. B. Floyd, 

Brigadier- General. 



Fort Donelson, February 14, 1862.'^ 
General A. S. Johnston: 

The gun-boats have been driven back. Two, it is said, 
seriously injured. I think the fight is over to-day. 

Jno. B. Floyd, 

Brigadier- General, C. S. Army, 

1 From R. R. 110—274. 



NEWSPAPER NARRATIVES 



Cincinnati 'Gazette" Account* 

FortHenky, Stuart Co., Tknn , February 7, 1862. 

Three times three cheers, and another, and yet another, and one 
cheer more! The soldiers of the Union have won another victory, and 
an important rebel stronohold has fallen into our hands. Fort Henry, 
one of the most extensive and important fortifications in the confed- 
eracy, and, in fact, the key to the whole chain of fortifications which 
the rebels had stretched across the country from the Potomac to the 
Mississippi, is now ours, and the Star-Spangled Banner now floats 
where for many months the rebel "stars and bars" have flaunted in 
traitorous defiance. 

For more than three weeks, very quiet but unmistakable prepara- 
tions for a movement of some kind had been visible at Cairo, and 
other points within Gen. Grant's military jurisdiction, and although 
no flaming telegrams this time announced the fact in advance to a 
startled public, it was evident to a close observer that some event of 
moi*e than ordinary gravity was in contemplation. So very secretly 
were the preparations conducted, that no intimation of the destination, 
size, or probable time of the expedition could be obtained from those 
supposed to be in the secret, and we could only watch and wait. 

From certain indications, I had for several days concluded that 
Fort Henry, on the Tennesse River, near the boundary line dividing 
the States of Kentucky and Tennessee, was the point aimed at; indeed, 
I believe I intimated as much in some of my previous letters, and I 
was not surprised to learn, on Saturday, the first of February, that 
some ten regiments of infantry, together with artillery and cavalry, 
then at Cairo, had received orders to be in readiness to embark next 
day, with three days' rations in their haversacks. But the embarka- 
tion of such a force, with horses, wagons, baggage and equipments, is 
no slight labor, and it was not until aftei-noon of Monday that the last 
of the transports left Cairo, and steamed up the Ohio in the direction 
of Paducah. Arriving at this point during the same evening, the boats 
halted for a short time, while some changes were made in the disposi- 
tion of the troops on board, and soon the whole fleet, under convoy of 
the gunboats Essex, St. Louis, Cincinnati, Carondelet, Lexington, 
Tyler and Conestoga, were ploughing their waj' swiftly up the muddy 
Tennessee, toward the Fort. When morning dawned, it revealed the 
transports safely moored to the bank, within ten miles of the rebel 
fortification. The Fort is situated on the right bank of the Tennessee, 

*From Moore, IV— 69. 49 



50 CINCINNATI GAZETTE 

about seventy miles above its junction with the Ohio, and about ten 
miles south of the State line. 

Soon after our arrival, three of the gunboats, under orders from 
Gen. Grant, proceeded cautiousl}' toward the fort, shelling as they 
went, the woods on either side, to discover any concealed batteries 
which might exist there, and afterward the Fort itself, to draw its fire, 
and ascertain the range of its guns. In the course of this reconnois- 
sance, the Essex received a shot from a thirty-two pound rifled gun, 
penetrating a corner of the Captain's cabin, which was not protected 
by sheathing, and splintering the woodwork to some extent, but doing 
no other damage. The aim of this gun was generally very accurate, 
the shots falling always in line of our boats, and frequently very close 
to them. The other guns of the Port were less skillfully handled. 
Havi ig ascertained thus the nearest distance within which it would be 
safe to disembark, the transports again started, and moved up to 
within about four miles of the Fort, where the troops were landed, 
and prepared to encamp for the night. The next day was consumed 
in making the necessary disposition of the troops for the attack, which 
was set for Thursday, the sixth inst. 

During the day the gunboats Tyler and Conestoga went up the 
river, and succeeded in removing six torpedoes, or infernal machines, 
which the rebels had sunk in the channel below the fort, in the hope 
of blowing up or disabling our fleet when it should attempt to approach 
them. These instruments were canstructed of boiler-iron, were about 
five feet in length, and contained sixty pounds of powder each. Had 
they been suffered to I'emain and explode, as they were intended to 
do, they would doubtless have inflicted serious damage to the boats; 
but Capts. Phelps and Walke succeeded in removing them without 
injury. During this time, a small river steamer, which had been em- 
ployed by the rebels as a ferry-boat, between the Port and the railroad, 
which crosses the river fifteen miles above, came out several times 
from behind the shelter of an island, where she was ensconced, to take 
observations of our proceedings, but retired again before our boats 
could get a shot at her. 

That night our troops, with the exception of Gen. Smith's bri- 
gade, which had crossed to the west side of the river, encamped on a 
ridge of hills parallel with the river, and about half a mile from it. 
Their camp-fires, scattered all along the sides of the ridge among the 
trees, for more than a mile, presented that night one of the most 
beautiful sights I have ever witnessed, and no doubt being observed 
by the enemy, gave the impression that our force was much larger 
than was really the case. Probably this might have had something to 
do in causing their precipitate flight afterward. 

During the night a tremendous storm arose, accompanied with 
thunder and lightning, thoroughly soaking the soft clay soil, and 
rendering locomotion, especially in the low grounds, almost impossible. 

In spite of this impediment, however, early the next morning 
order was given to prepare to march, and the forces were soon formed 



FORT HENRY 51 

in four divisions, as follows: the First and Second brigades, compris- 
ing the Eighth, Eighteenth, Twenty-seventh, Twenty -ninth, Thirtieth 
and Thirty-first; Eleventh, Twentieth, Forty-fifth, and Forty-eighth 
Illinois regiments, with one regiment, (the Fourth Illinois,) and four 
independent companies of cavalry and four batteries of artillery, the 
whole under command of Brig. -Gen. McOlernand, were to move 
across the country to a point on the road leading from the Fort to the 
town of Dover, on the Cumberland, for the purpose of preventing the 
enemy from receiving reenforcements from that direction, or of mak- 
ing their escape by that route, should the gunboats succeed in driving 
them from their intrenchments. 

The Second division, comprising the Seventh, Ninth, Twelfth, 
Twenty-eighth, and Forty-first Illinois regiments, the Eleventh Indi- 
ana, the Seventh and Twelfth Iowa, the Eighth and Thirteenth Mis- 
souri, with artillery and cavalry, under the command of Gen. Smith, 
were to move up the west bank of the river, take possession of and 
occupy a hill overlooking the Fort, which the enemy had begun to 
fortify; and then a portion of the force was to re-cross the river and 
reenforce Gen. MeClernand. Meantime, the gunboats, under com- 
mand of the veteran Com. Foote, were directed to shell the Fort, 
and, if possible, drive the rebels from their guns. Thus surrounded 
and attacked on three sides at once, it was hoped that the enemy 
might be driven from their strong intrenchments and fall into our 
hands. An unconquerable determination held the minds of all, from 
the General commanding to the lowest private, not to return until our 
object was accomplished; but still, it was with much anxiety and 
caution that at the appointed hour of eleven the troops commenced to 
move forward. The forces of the enemy had been reported as proba- 
bly fully equal in number to our own; they were well acquainted with 
the country and the facilities it afforded for attack or defence, and 
possessed the advantage of fighting under cover, upon ground cleared 
of all obstructions, while our attack must be made upon ground ill 
adapted by nature for the movement of troops, and rendered almost 
impassable by the timber which the rebels had felled for some distance 
on every side. 

I had taken my own position with the advance of Gen. McCler- 
nand's column, thinking that the place for obtaining a view of the 
affair, and by noon the whole column was in motion. Our route was 
along a rough cart-path which twisted and turned about among the 
high wooded hills, in a most perplexing manner. The storm of the 
previous night had soaked the soft alluvial soil of the bottoms, until 
,^---mnder the tread of the troops it speedily became reduced to the con- 
sistency of soft porridge of almost immeasurable depth, rendering 
marching very difficult for the infantry, and for artillery almost im- 
passable. For some three hours we thus struggled along, when sud- 
denly the roar of a heavy gun came booming over the hills, and 
another and another, told us that the gunboats had commenced the 
attack. For an instant the entire column seemed to halt to listen, then 



52 CINCINNATI GAZETTE 

springing forward, we pushed on with redoubled vigor. But mile 
after mile of slippery hills and muddy swamps were passed over, 
and still the Fort seemed no nearer. We could plainly hear the roar 
of the guns, and the whistle of the huge shells through the air, but the 
high hills and dense woods completely obstructed the view- 
Suddenly the firing ceased. We listened for it to recommence, 
but all was still. We looked in each other's faces, and wonderingly 
asked: " What does it mean? Is it possible that our gunboats have 
been beaten back?" — for that the rebels should abandon thia immense 
fortification, on which the labor of thousands had been expended for 
months, after barely an hour's defense, and before our land troops had 
even come in sight of them, seemed too improbable to believe. Cau- 
tiously we pressed forward, but ere long one of our advance scouts 
came galloping back, announcing that the rebels had abandoned the 
Fort, and seemed to be forming in line of battle on the hills adjoining. 
With a cheer our boys pressed forward. Soon came another messen- 
ger, shouting that the enemy had abandoned their intrenchments 
completely, and were now in full retreat through the woods. On we 
went, plunging through the deep mud and fording swollen creeks, 
until, on the summit of a hill higher than any we had previously sur- 
mounted, we cime upon the outer line of the rebel fortifications. An 
earthen breastwork, defended by an immense long rifle-pit, stretched 
away on either side until it was lost to sight in the thick woods. Out- 
side this the timber had been felled in a belt of several rods in width, 
forming a barrier very difficult for footmen, and utterly impassable 
for cavalry. This breastwork inclosed fully a square mile. Cross- 
ing it and pushing onward, we came soon to another line of defense, 
and further on still another before we reached the Fort itself and 
crossing a deep slough which protects it on the land side, we stood 
within the rebel stronghold. 

The Fort is of the class known as a full bastioned earthwork, 
standing directly upon the bank of the river, and encloses about two 
acres. It mounts seventeen heavy guns, including one ten-inch 
Columbiad, throwing a round shot of one hundred and twenty-eight 
pounds weight, one breech-loading rifled gun, carrying a sixty pound 
elongated shot, twelve thirty-two-pounders, one twenty -four-pounder 
rifled, and two twelve-pounder siege-guns. Nearly all the guns are 
pivoted and capable of being turned in any desired direction. The 
Fort is surrounded by a deep moat, and, when fully garrisoned, would 
be almost impregnable against any force which could be brought 
against it from the land side. Evidently its designers did not antici- 
pate so formidable an attack from the river, and, certainly, nothing 
less well defended than our iron-clad gunboats, could have attacked it 
with any hope of success. 

The Fort showed fearful evidence of the accuracy of our fire, and 
the terrible foi'ce of our heavy guns. Every port facing the river was 
knocked out of shape; several of the enemy's guns had been hit by 



FORT HENRY 53 

our shells — one had been completely dismounted and two more dis- 
abled by our shot. 

The flag-staff w^s hit, and every one of the small log cabins 
which stood thickly in the center of the open space, was riddled 
through and through by shot and shells. The earthen embankment, 
some fourteen feet in thickness, was pierced completely through in 
several places, but the tenacious character of the earth prevented it 
from forming such breeches as would ordinarily occur. 

All about the guns spots of clotted gore and fragments of human 
flesh, showed that many lives must have been sacrificed before the 
Fort finally surrendered, but only four dead bodies were found within 
the Fort. It is believed, however, that a number of bodies were car- 
ried off by one of the rebel boats before the surrender. During the 
action the rifled sixty -pound gun burst, scattering its fragments in all 
directions, and greatly disheartening the rebels. This was the most 
effective gun in the Fort, and the one which had inflicted the shot on 
the Essex, on the day previous. This gun had been made at the 
Tredegar Works in Richmond, Virginia, the same establishment which 
cast the great gun that burst at Columbus, Ky., some time ago, by 
which Gen. Polk nearly lost his life. In addition to the guns found in 
the Fort, nine field pieces were afterwards found by our troops, at 
different places along the road, where they had been abandoned by 
the rebels in their hurried retreat. 

The particulars of the attack and capture, as I afterwards learned 
them, were as follows: 

Soon after noon the gunboats, according to the previous plan, ad- 
vanced in two divisions up the river, passing on either side of a little 
island lying about a mile and a half below the Fort, so as in a measure 
to throw a cross fire upon it. 

As soon as the boats appeared in sight, the Fort opened upon 
them fiercely. The boats advanced slowly up the river, firing moder- 
ately, until within about a mile of the Fort, when they opened their 
full batteries and the battle commenced in earnest. The scene is 
described as being terrificall}' grand. The air seemed filled with 
the flying missiles. The heavy boom of the guns and the shrieking of 
the shells as they tore through the air, were echoed back from the 
surrounding hills, till the whole space, for miles around, seemed filled 
with one confused, roar. The Fort was soon wrapped in a cloud of 
smoke, which rose lazily up and floated away over the hills, and 
through it, the flashes of her guns broke like successive bursts of 
lightning. 

For more than an hour this flerce conflict continued, the boats 
gradually approaching nearer and nearer, until within a few hundred 
yards of the Fort, when the rebel's fire slackened, and suddenly a 
white flag was raised on the ramparts; but the dense smoke prevented 
its being seen by the boats, and the firing still continued. 



54 CINCINNATI GAZETTE 

In a few moments more, the rebel flag, which had been proudly 
flaunting from a tall pole, in the center of the Fort, was hauled down, 
and Port Henry was ours. 

Capt. Phelps, of the gunboat Conestoga, was immediately ordered 
by the Commodore to land and take possession. On arriving at the 
shore, Capt. Phelps was met by an officer wearing the uniform of a 
Brigadier-General in the Confederate army, who announced himself 
as General Lloyd Tilghman, acting Commander of the district, and 
who formally surrendered the Fort and the adjacent canlps, with 
himself and about sixty others as prisoners of war. When the fore- 
most of our cavalry reached the spot, they found Capt. Phelps stand- 
ing alone, surrounded by his prisoners, waiting for some one to come 
and occupy the Fort. 

Sixty-three prisoners were found inside the Fort, and twenty- 
seven others were afterwards captured by our cavalry in pursuing the 
enemy. Among them are a very large proportion of officers of rank, 
who will prove very serviceable as exchanges for some of our own 
valued officers now in the enemy's hands. 

The list of officers, so far as I have been able to learn it, is as 
follows: 

Bi'ig.-Gen. Lloyd Tilghman, of Kentucky, commanding the dis- 
trict; Capt. Jesse Taylor, of Tennessee, Chief of artillery and Com- 
mander of the Fort; Lieut. W. O. Wotts, artillery; Lieut. G. R. G. 
Jones, artillery; Capt. Miller, engineer-corps; Capt. Hayden, engineer- 
corps; Capt. Wm. Jones, Brigade-Quartermaster; Dr. A. H. Voorhies, 
Brigade -Surgeon; Dr. Horton, Surgeon Tenth Tennessee Regiment; 
Capt. J. McLaughlin, Quartermaster Tenth Tennessee; Major Mc- 
Cormick, Asst. Adj. -Gen. 

Gen. Tilghman is a large, stout man, rather prepossessing in 
appearance, and gentlemanly in manner, after the Southern idea of a 
gentleman, but rather inclined to pomposity, like most of the rebel 
officers that I have seen. He is a graduate of West-Point, and was 
formerly in the United States Army. He is regarded as an excellent 
officer, and his capture will prove a severe loss to the Confederates, 
Capt. Taylor, I am informed, is also a West-Point graduate. The 
manner of their capture, as related by themselves, is somewhat 
curious. 

At the commencement of the fight, Gen. Tilghman had posted a 
guard at the gate of the Fort, with orders to let no one pass out, but 
to fire upon any who attempted to escape. After the bursting of their 
rifle gun, and the disabling of two or three others by our shots, and 
while the shells were falling thickly around, the General himself, with 
some of his officers, attempted to make their escape, but were stopped 
by the sentinels, who, strictly obeying their orders, threatened them 
with death should they attempt to pass. Soon after, the flag was 
hauled down. This is the story told by the guard, who claim to have 
been impressed into the rebel service, and who thus retaliated. This 
may account for the fact of so many officers being captured within 



FORT HENRY 65 

the Fort, while the entire force in the camp outside succeeded in 
making their escape. 

It may seem a matter of surprise, at first, that the entire force of 
the rebels, except the garrison of the Fort, succeeded in making their 
escape; but certainly the last thought in the mind of any one, was 
that they would abandon their complicated and formidable intrench - 
ments, without making a single attempt to defend them, especially as 
they had occupied the two days intervening between our arrival and 
the attack, in strengthening their position and bringing in reinforce- 
ments. 

The very night preceding their flight, thej' had thus been strength- 
ened by the arrival of a thousand cavalry, which they had sent for 
from Dover when our approach was first known. That they intended 
to fight, up to the very day of attack, is evident, and the sudden 
change in their plans can only be accounted for on tlie supposition 
that the approach of the gunboats struck them with a sudden panic, 
similar to that of our own troops at Bull Run. That this was really 
the case, the appearance of their camps amply proves. Had they 
remained and fought, as was anticipated, although there is little 
doubt that we could ultimately have succeeded in defeating them, it 
must have been at the expense of severe loss on our part. 

These give ample evidence, first, that they were intended for 
permanent occupation; and secondly, that they were abandoned in 
the greatest haste. On a piece of rising ground, immediately in rear 
of the Fort, were constructed a series of log-cabins, capable of ac- 
commodating three thousand men. In addition to these, tents were 
pitched in different parts of the encampment, far more than as many 
more. The tents were mostly new, of good quality, and very comfort- 
able. Judging from appearances, the force of the rebels could not 
have been less than seven thousand men — perhaps more. They must 
have abandoned very hastily, as scarcely anj'thing was taken away. 
Arms, clothing, books, papers, letters, daguerreotypes, even watches 
and money, were left strewn about in the wildest confusion. In some 
of the cabins the dishes stood on the table just as they had been left 
at breakfast. In others the dinner was still cooking over the fire 
when our men arrived. Everything denoted that the flight was the 
result of sudden alarm, and not of deliberate intention. The papers 
found included all the various documents pertaining to the manage- 
ment of a military camp, master-rolls, reports of all kinds, requisitions, 
orders, officers' commissions, etc., etc., some of them containing 
valuable information. The letters were mostly from Mississippi and 
Tennessee, indicating the quarter from which tlie troops came. 
Many of them are written in rather a desponding strain, evincing a 
rather uncomfortable state of affairs at home. 

Some letters I saw, written by officers in the Fort, which they 
had not had an opportunity to send. Neai'ly all of them were written 
in the braggadocio strain so common in the rebel newspapers, express- 
ing the utmost confidence in the strength of their position, and pro- 



56 CINCINNATI GAZETTE 

claiming their abilitj' to whip any number of Yankees which the 
despot Lincoln could send against them. The clothing found was 
generally of home manufacture, coarse but warm and durable, and 
they all appear to have been amply provided for in this respect. In 
some of the officers' quarters, however, were left fine and costly suits 
of New- York and Philadelphia manufacture, together with kid gloves, 
perfumery and toilet articles, of the best qualitj', in readiness, no 
doubt, against the time when they would make their anticipated tri- 
umphal entrie into Cincinnati, St. Louis, or some othei* Northern city. 

A large quantity of commissary stoies were also found, showing 
that there was no lack of food of good quality. Coffee and tea ap- 
peared to be scarce, but there was plenty of flour, corn meal, rice, 
sugar, and molasses, fresh and salt beef, and bacon sides. Hams I saw 
none of. 

The arms found were a motley- variety: old flint-lock muskets, 
rifles and shot-guns of ahnost every known style. Great quantities of 
cartridges were found made up, for use in their smooth-bore guns, 
containing three buck-shot and a bullet each. In the magazine of the 
Fort were stored a large quantity of powder and ammunition of all 
kinds. Everything was prepared for a vigorous resistance, and had it 
been attempted, I have no doubt that it would have proved more 
difficult of capture than all the fortifications of Cairo. Bird's Point, 
and Fort Holt combined. 

Perhaps the point which struck us most forcibly with surprise, 
after entering the works, was the enormous extent of the plan 
which had been proposed and partially carried out in the fortifica- 
tions. As I before stated, the exterior line of breastworks, with 
their ditches and abattis, enclose at least a square mile. One single 
line of rifle pits extends nearly a mile and a half. And this is only 
one of the three lines of defense which were to be overcome before 
the Fort itself could be approached. There is ample room within the 
intrenchments for one hundred thousand men, and at least half that 
number would be required to properly defend it. 

It is evident that the confederates regarded this as one of the 
most important points in their whole line of defences, and a glance at 
the map will show it to be such. By obtaining possession of this post, 
we have reachei a point the most southern of any yet attained by our 
army away from the seacoast. We have an easy and uninterrupted 
communication with the entire North-west, and there is now nothing 
between us and the Gulf to prevent an army from marching on to 
Mobile or New- Orleans, or by a flank movement reaching Memphis, 
Columbus. Nashville, or Bowling Green. An entrance has been 
effected into the Confederacy at a point where they least expected it, 
and the backbone of the rebellion is broken. You may be sure that 
the advantage gained will be immediately followed up. In fact, steps 
have already been taken to maintain our position, and extend our 
success. In a few days you will probably hear of more events of 
interest. Telemaque. 



57 
Boston "Journal" Account. * 

The correspondent of the Boston Journal gives the followang in- 
teresting details of the bombardment of Fort Henry : 

When the rebels took possession of Columbus, and made a stand 
at Bowling Green, they saw the necessity of also shutting the two gates 
midway the two places, the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers, which 
open into the heart of the seceded States. Taking now the map, you 
will observe that the two rivers are very near together at the dividing 
line between Kentucky and Tennessee. Two important points were 
selected on those rivers, near the State line, strong natural positions, 
which military science and engineering had made, it was thought, im- 
pregnable to any attack by land or water. The points selected are be- 
low the railroad which connects Memphis with Bowling Green, thus 
guarding against any interruption of communication, a matter very 
important to the rebels, not only in subsisting their armies, but in en- 
abling them to transfer troops from either division, as might be neces- 
sary to counteract our movements. 

The point selected for fortification on the Tennessee, is about 
ninety miles from the Ohio River, at Pine Bluff Landing, on the east 
side, where, in addition to the strong battery commanding the river, 
there was an entrenched camp, protected on both flanks by creeks and 
a pond, and on the river by felled trees, for a longdistance. The river 
at this point runs nearly due north. A mile and a quarter below the 
Fort is Panther Island, heavily wooded. The channel on the east side 
of the island is impassable at low water, the main channel being on the 
west side. The rebel engineer, therefore, in constructing the work, 
arranged the angles and faces to command the main ciiannel, but had 
taken into account the contingency of higli water, and had planted 
torpedoes in the east passage, which were fished up by Commodore 
Foote without difficulty. Three were first taken up, and all but one 
were found to be so moist that they would not have exploded. 

The front face of the Fort is about twenty feet above the water. 
It contains four or five acres, and the entrenched camp about thirty 
acres. 

You can obtain an idea of the relative positions by standing fac- 
ing the north, and raising your light arm, half bent, till your hand is 
on a level with your face. Your arm represents the I'iver; the Fort is at 
your elbow, in position to send a raking fire down toward your wrist. 
Midway between the wrist, and above the elbow, you are to locate the 
the creeks, which will almost enclose the entrenched camp behind the 
Fort. Riglit in front of your face, you are to locate a high bluff, one 
hundred feet high, with a redan, which commands the Fort on the op- 
posite side of the river. 

I do not know as this description may be intelligible, and I there- 
fore give a diagram, such as your pr'nter can set up with the types, 
lines and rules at his command: 

* From Moore, IV— 73. 



58 



BOSTON JOURNAL 

NORTH. 



Pine Bluff. 

General Smith's * 

Landing- 



Redan O. 







)— 1 




02 




t^ 




> 




1 'Z 









I 




1 2 3 


4 



Place where Gen. 
McClernand landed. 



Creek. 



1111 



Fort. 
Intrenched Camp. 



13 3 4 — Gunboats commencing attack. 

Ill 1 — Gunboats at time of surrender. 

Distance from island to Fort, one and a quarter miles. River op- 
posite Fort, three fourths of a mile wide. Instead of a right angle, as 
in this diagram, let it be gentle curve or bend in the river, and you 
will have a general view of the locality. 

The country around is much broken, and intersected by creeks, 
and covered with forests. At one angle of the encampment there is a 
road which leads to the town of Dover, on the Cumberland, twelve 
miles distant. The magazine is in the center of the work, and is well 
protected. The Fort and the camp are both surrounded by ditches. 

A combined plan of attack was agreed upon. Com. Foote was 
to steam up the western or shallow channel, now containing water suf- 
ficient to float the boats over all obstructions, while the force under 
McClernand should gain the rear of the camp. At the same time Gen. 
Smith was to move upon the other bank, and attack the redan. A re- 
connoissance showed that the largest portion of the rebels were M'ith- 
in their intrenchments, and that the force in the redan was compara- 
tively small. Com. Foote being aware of the condition of the roads, 
desired Gen. Grant to move at an earlier hour than that assigned for 
the gunboats, but Gen. Grant was confident his forces could reach 
their positions in time. In this he was undoubtedly mistaken, as the 
sequel proved. The distance was much greater than had been sup- 
posed, and the roads were mortar-beds after one regiment had passed. 
Gen. Grant did not accompany the column, but remained by the river. 
Com. Foote assured him that the troops would be behind, informed him 



FORT HENRY 



59 



that he should proceed at the time fixed upon, and added: "I shall 
take it before you will get there with your forces." 

The gunboats were anchored four miles below the fort, opposite 
Gen. Grant's camp. At half-past ten o'clock a signal was made for 
them to get under waj', and in a few minutes the fires which had been 
banked up were in full blast. Com. Foote had prepared his instruc- 
tions several days previously, and upon mature thought saw nothing 
to be changed. They were brief and plain. The three iron-clad boats 
were to keep in line with him, steadily advance, and keep bows on — to 
do just as he did. The three not clad were to follow at a proper dis- 
tance in the rear, and throw shell over those in advance. 

To the commanders and crews he said that in a battle it was verv 
necessary to success that they should keep cool. He desired them to 
fire with deliberate aim and not to attempt rapid firing, for three 
reasons, namely, that with rapid firing there was always a waste of 
ammunition; that their range would be wild; that the enemy would be 
encouraged unless the fire was effectual; that it was desirable not to 
heat the guns. 

With these instructions he slowly led his fleet up the shallow 
channel under cover of the island, thus avoiding long-range shot from 
the rifled guns which it was known the enemy had in position to sweep 
the main channel. He steamed slow to allow the troops time to gain 
their position.. 

The columns of troops were in motion. At starting the bands en- 
livened the movement, till the ho; rible condition of the roads compell- 
ed them to cease. 

The fleet slowly gained the head of the island and came into the 
following position: 




FORT. 



60 BOSTON JOURNAL 

The distance from the head of the island to the Fort is a mile and 
a quarter. As soon as the four boats came into position, the Cincinnati 
opened fire at thirty-four minutes past twelve o'clock, with an eight- 
inch Dahlgren gun, throwing a shell with a fifteen-second fuse into the 
Fort. The Carondelet and the St. Louis each gave the same kind of 
missile, while the Essex threw an eighty-pound shell. 

The rebels instantly replied, and the firing became general, though 
not at first rapid. The commanders obeyed the instructions, kept 
their boats in a line with the Cincinnati, and fired with deliberate 
aim. The consequence was, that almost every shell dropped in the 
right place. 

As only the bow-guns were used, there were only twelve guns 
brought to bear upon the Fort, and in return about the same number 
of guns were brought to bear by the rebels upon the boats. As soon 
as the four boats were sufficiently advanced, the Lexington, Tyler, and 
Conestoga reached the head of the island, elevated their guns and 
joined in the fight, taking deliberate aim and dropping their shells in- 
to the Fort and camp. 

Steadily onward moved the boats, so nearly equal that at times 
they were almost in even line, throwing their sliells as if practising at 
a target. 

And now there was a visible commotion in the rebel camp. The 
first shell from the Cincinnati threw the troops into disorder, and at 
the fourth round, unable to stand the terrible hail which was bringing 
sure destruction, they broke and fled, leaving arms, ammunition, pro- 
visions, blankets, tents— everything, and poured out of the intrench- 
ment a motley, panic-stricken rabble, taking the road toward Dover. 
A portion jumped on board a small steamboat which was lying in the 
creek above the Fort, and escaped up the river. A few shells from the 
boats would have stopped them, and doubtless would have caused ter- 
rible slaughter, but Com. Foote had a definite purpose in view — taking 
of the Fort, and he was not to be swerved from that. 

When the cannonade opened, the troops which were marching to 
gain the rear of the enemy, impeded by the swollen creeks, were not 
more than half-way to their designated positions, but with the first 
gun from the Cincinnati they gave a loud hurrah, and of their own ac- 
cord broke into the double-quick, fearing thej- would be too late to 
have a hand in it. Their fears were well grounded, and the promise of 
Com. Foote to Gen. Grant was fulfilled, as the sequel will show. 

Straight onward moved the boats, swerving neither to the right 
nor the left. As they neared the Fort their fire became more and more 
destructive. The sand-bags and gabions were knocked about, cover- 
ing the guns and smothering those who served them. At an early 
moment in the fight the rifled gun of the rebel burst, but they did not 
slacken fire or seem discouraged. They fired with great accuracy, as 
will be hereafter seen, selecting the weakest spots of the gunboats, as 
their commander, Gen. Tilghman, said, for their points of sight. The 



FORT HENRY 61 

gunboats were repeatedly hit, and those portions which were not plated 
with iron were badly riddled. 

The fight had lasted fifty minutes with scarcely a casualty on our 
part, wlien a twenty -four pound shot entered the Essex, passed through 
the thick oak planking surrounding the boilers and engines, and enter- 
ed the starboard boiler, instantly disabling her, filling the entire boat 
with steam, and scalding a large portion of her crew. She at once 
dropped behind, and floated down with the stream, till taken up by 
a tug and towed to the encampment. The rebels were greatly en- 
couraged. They revived their flagging fire, and evidently felt that 
victory was still to be theirs. But not for a moment faltered the fleet. 
They kept right on, straight toward the batteries, as if nothing had 
happened. They were now in close range. Their shells tore up the 
embankments as they exploded directly over the guns. One eighty- 
pound shell killed or wounded every person serving one of the guns, 
while the shots of the enemy which struck the iron plating glanced off, 
doing no harm. 

There was no sign of backing out — none of stopping on the part 
of Com. Foote— and those who beheld the fleet supposed from the in- 
dications that he was going to run straight on to the shore and pour in 
his fire at two rods' distance. Such coolness, determination, and en- 
ergy had not been counted on by the rebel general, and at forty-six 
minutes past one, or one hour and twelve minutes from the commence- 
ment of the fi^ht, when the gunboats were within three or four hun- 
dred yards of the Fort, the rebel flag came down by the run. In an 
instant all firing ceased. The rebels had raised a white flag, signify- 
ing a desire for a truce, but the smoke hid it from view, and no one on 
board the fleet observed it, and the shells were pouring in at such a 
I'ate which would not admit of delay, after the thought had once taken 
possession of the rebels' minds that it was time to give in. Conditions 
were of minor consideration. 

The St. Louis being nearest, immediately sent a boat on shore, 
and the Stars and Stripes went up with a wild huzzah from the crews. 
Gen. Tilghman, who commanded the rebels, asked for Commodore 
Foote. Word was sent from the Cincinnati that Commmodore Foote 
would be happy to receive him on board that gunboat, and the Cincin- 
nati's gig was sent to the shore. The rebel General entered it and 
soon stood before the Commodore. 

Gen. Tilghman asked for terms. "No, sir," said the Commodore, 
"your surrender must be unconditional."' 

"Well, sir, if I must surrender, it gives me pleasure to surrender 
to so brave an oflBcer as you." 

"You do perfectly right to surrender, sir; but I should not have 
surrendered on any condition." 

"Why so? I do not understand you." 

"Because I was fully determined to capture the Fort or go to the 
bottom." 



62 BOSTON JOURNAL 

The rebel General opened his eyes at this remark, replied: "I 
thought I had you, Commodore, but you were too much for me." 

"But how could you fight against the old flag?" 

" Well, it did come hard at first; but if the North had only let us 
alone there would have been no trouble. But they would not abide 
by the Constitution." 

Commodore Foote assured him that he and all the South were 
mistaken. 

The Essex was formerly a ferry-boat used at St. Louis. She was 
enlarged and fitted up for the gunboat service, but is very differently 
constructed from the other boats. Her boilers are not below the 
water-line. They are surrounded by stanchions of white oak plank- 
When on board the Essex, a few weeks ago, I remarked to Capt. 
Porter that a shot entering one of the ports might be attended with 
unpleasant results. He agreed with me, but said that was a contin- 
gency they could not guard against. The shot, however, which did the 
damage, did not come through one of the ports, but struck a few 
inches above, on the only spot at the bow where there was no plating! 

Only one of the boats is wholly plated— the Benton. The others 
are plated at the bows and at the sides, in part. The Essex had the 
least mail of all. It is singular that the ball which did so much damage 
should have struck at the only vulnerable place at the bows. 

The flag-ship Cincinnati fired one hundred and twelve shot; the 
St. Louis one hundred and sixteen; the Carondelet about one hundred; 
the Essex fifty-five; the Conestoga, Lexington and Tyler, a few each; 
making in all about four hundred shot. 

The rebels replied spiritedly and with good aim, which is highly 
praised by Commodore Foote. They fired over three hundred shot. 
The Cincinnati was struck thirty-one times, the St. Louis seven, the 
Essex four. The Carondelet, I believe, did not receive a shot. Gen. 
Tilghman remarked to Commodore Foote, that "he knew the weak 
places of the boats, that he had accurate knowledge of their construc- 
tion, and aimed accordingly." But notwithstanding this, all, with the 
exception of the Essex, are ready for a fight to-day. One of the one 
hundred and twenty-eight pound shots struck an angle of the pilot- 
house on the Cincinnati with a force that jarred the entire boat from 
stem to stern, but did not penetrate the two and one half inch mail, 
beneath which, at the side of the pilot, stood the Commodore, his head 
but a few inches from the place. The boats have proved a success. 

When the rebel flag came down from the mast, the troops were a 
long distance from their assigned positions. The fight was over, and 
they had not seen it, and, what was more gaUing, they had not been 
able to participate in achieving the victory. Gen. Grant evidently did 
not understand that Commodore Foote was a man of his word, who be- 
lieves in energetic action at close quarters. In giving me these details, 
Commodore Foote incidentally remarked that he was decidedly in 
favor of close action. 



FORT HENRY 63 

Under ordinary circumstances he should adopt the plan of Com- 
modore Du Pont at Tybee, but in this case he was satisfied with the 
plan he had adopted, and which he had resolved to carry out, no mat- 
ter what the events of the moment. He was satisfied that while one 
casemated gun on shore was equal to five afioat, a gun behind an em- 
bankment merely was but little more than one one on shipboard. He 
received the surrendered property, and two hours later turned it all 
over to General Grant, and proceeded to make other arrangements. 

The troops, if they had been in position as was designed, would 
doubtless have bagged the entire rebel force; but being behind time, 
the fleet-footed rebels were far on their way towards Dover, when 
they got possession of the road in the rear of the intrenchments. A 
portion of the force was immediately started in pursuit, while another 
poi'tion was detailed to accompany the three gunboat'5 sent by Com- 
modore Foote up the Tennessee River to destroy the railroad at 
Clarkaville, and get possession of the three rebel gunboats afloat. 

The Tyler, Lexington, and Conestoga, all of them fast boats, 
under command of Lieut. Phelps, were sent. They are not iron-clad, 
but it is not known that there are any batteries upon the river. 

I have upon former occasions made the readers of the Journal 
somewhat acquainted with Commodore Foote, with his personal ap- 
pearance, his sterling qualities as a man and a Christian gentleman. 
He has now shown that he is an able commander — not only able to 
plan, but to execute. To him belongs in a great measure the credit 
of organizing this formidable naval force, of creating it with scanty 
materials, and against great difficulties. When he was informed that 
the rebels had ten to twenty thousand men in camp, he remarked that 
he was sorry for it, because if they stood their ground there must be a 
terrible slaughter, for he should take the Fort, or his vessels would go 
to the bottom. 

This evening, notwithstanding his onerous duties, he has found 
time to sit down and give me these details. To him in particular are 
the readers of the Journal indebted for this full account. Aside from 
all these quahties of character, he is not afraid to have all men know 
that he recognises his obligations to his Divine Maker. A gentlemen 
remarked to him that he was getting nervous, and was afraid he did 
not sleep well. "I never slept better in my life than night before last, 
and I never prayed more fervently than on yesterday morning; but I 
couldn't sleep last night for thinking of those poor fellows on the 
Essex," was the reply. No wonder that under such a commander the 
victory is ours. He has done his duty from patriotic and conscientious 
motives, and a grateful people will reward him. 

The other officers and men, one and all, did their duty nobly. 
Commodore Foote informed me that his instructions were obeyed to 
the letter. 



64 

St. Louis "Democrat" Account. 

CAIRO, FEBRUARY 7, 1882. 

Three of the gunboats, the Cincinnati, the Essex and the St. Louis, 
having returned from the capture of Fort Henry, and having obtained 
all the particulars from officers and men, I hasten to write you the de- 
tails which I was unable to transmit by telegraph. 

How the Attack was Conducted. 

The attack was begun yesterday noon, the first gun fired from the ' 
Federal fleet, just after twelve o'clock. Only four of the gunboats 
were engaged— the Cincinnati, (the flag-ship,) the Essex, the Caron- 
delet, and the St. Louis. These moving up towards the Fort abreast— 
The Conestoga, Tyler and Lexington remaining behind, but within 
easy hail. The order of the approach was, the Essex on the right; 
next to her the Cincinnati, then the St. Louis, and the.Carondelet on 
the left. This disposition of the boats commends itself at once as an 
admirable stroke of Commodore Foote's undoubted naval genius. 
The object was to bring to bear the best guns of the fleet, and, at the 
same time, to prevent the exposure of the broadside of any of the 
boats to any of the enemy's guns. Had there been such exposure, it 
it is easy to imagine the destruction and probable failure which would 
have occurred, for the boats are extremely vulnerable in their after- 
parts. 

This order of approach having been assumed at the beginning, 
was preserved throughout the engagement, the fire opening at the 
distance of about one mile, and continuing with terrible effect until the 
surrender, when the fleet was not more than flve or six hundred yards 
from the Fort. 

Commodore Foote, it seems, pursued the same tactics that ren- 
dered him so famous in his attack upon the China forts a few years 
since, the English firing at a long distance and suffering severely, 
W'hile he ran immediately under the guns of the Chinamen, and poured 
such a hot and effective fire into their wooden walls, that they inflicted 
but little damage to the boats, and were quickly and completely dis- 
abled and beaten. 

Gen. Tilghman, the rebel commander of Fort Henry, upon his 
capture, promptly testified to the splendid manner in which the at- 
tack was conducted, saying that when he discovered the purpose of 
the Commodore, his chief object was to disable the flag- ship, and by 
getting the flag-officer out of the way, to disconcert the other boats, 
and enable him to pursue his firing with better effect. This accounts 
for the hearty manner in which his compliments were paid to the Cin- 
cinnati, she having received thirty-one shots out of about fifty, of 
which the whole fleet bear the marks. The Commodore comphmented 
Gen. Tilghman upon his gallant defence of the Fort, at the same time 
assuring him that he would have pursued the purpose of his attack, 



FORT HENRY 65 

even to the landing of his boat at the very bank under the 
Fort, and that the Cincinnati, had the fight continued, should have 
kept head on until she was sunk. Another reason given by the rebel 
general for the concentration of fire upon the flag-ship, was the fact 
that she seemed to have got a better range than any of the other boats, 
and that her fire, just before the surrender, was most terrific. The 
Cincinnati bears many honorable scars. Several shots have left their 
marks upon her iron -plated sides, showing in each case a shallow and 
raking dent. One of her largest guns was struck on the right side of 
its muzzle, the shot chipping out a piece of the metal as large as a 
man's two hands, and actually splitting the muzzle eighteen inches 
down from the mouth. This will disable the gun entirely. Another 
gun, a thirty-two-pounder, I believe, bears a deep dent on its side, 
about eighteen inches from the mouth. Just behind the foi'ward port 
gun, and where the sides of the boat are not covered with iron, several 
shots have gone entirely through the bulwarks. One of these com- 
pletely decapitated one of the gunners; another passed through the 
bulwarks, scattering the splinters right and left, glancing along the 
timbers over the machinery, and passing into the wheel, but not doing 
much damage. The most terrible effect of the enemy's fire upon the 
Cincinnati, is seen on her upper works, the deck seeming to have been 
swept with the destructive missiles, the smoke-stacks pierced in sev- 
eral places, and the small boats riddled and almost destroyed. One 
large shot struck the iron-plated pilot-house, leaving an ugly mark, 
but doing no damage. The concussion was violent, and is described by 
the pilots as surprising the Commodore and them into a very decided 
grunt. But one man was killed outright on the Cincinnati. A few 
were wounded with splinters, whose names I have sent you. Capt. 
Pratt was badly hurt by a spent ball striking his leg. The men de- 
scribe the crash of the balls through the timbers of the vessel as a 
terrible sound, but none of them flinched, say their oflicers, but the 
party manning the gun at which one of their number was beheaded. 
At the ghastly sight thej' scattered and fell back for a moment, but 
immediately rallied and stood their ground. The Cincinnati came into 
port with the large rebel flag flying under the Stars and Stripes, her 
appearance being greeted with many cheers and congratulations 
among the persons on the Cairo levee. 

The Essex, which has always seemed an unfortunate boat, not- 
withstanding the pains taken with her and the admirable naval and 
fighting qualities of her commander, Capt. W. D. Porter, and his man- 
ly crew, was very unluckj' in this engagement. For half an hour she 
bore her part in the contest most gallantly, her magnificent armament 
playing with fearful effect upon the Fort, when she received a most 
fearful shot immediately over the forward port-gun. Capt. Porter, 
at the moment was peering out the port-hole, watching the effect of 
his firing, and a young man named Brittain, son of the celebrated Dr. 
Brittain, of New York City, was standing by his side, his hand on the 
Captain's shoulder. The ball divided his head, completely carrying 



66 ST. LOUTS DEMOCRAT 

away its crown, and scattei'ing- his brains upon tlie person of a pay- 
master who was standing by liis sid«. This terrible messenger of 
death tiew along the ship, through the bulkheads which were to pro- 
tect the machinery of the boat, and crashed into the middle boiler. 
Immediateh', with a rushing sound, the scalding steam filled every 
part of the vessel. The two pilots, both well known in St. Louis, 
who were standing noblj' at their work, so absorbed, as it seemed, in 
their duties, that they had neglected to close the trap-door which leads 
from below to their house, were enveloped by the blistering vapor and 
almost immediately scalded to death. Tliey made a desperate strug- 
gle to get out of the pilot-house, running their arms through the look- 
out holes, which were not large enough to pass their bodies, and vain- 
ly striving to get their heads through for fresh air. The tars who 
had stood so gallantly to their guns, were appalled at this new and 
terrible enemy, and many of them were seen to throw themselves out 
of the port holes into the river. Capt. Porter was badly scalded on the 
face and hands. At this writing, however his wounds are said not to 
be so bad as was tirst anticipated. The large number of wounded and 
missing by this unroward event. I have already sent you. At this dis- 
aster the Essex was disabled, and began to fall back, which Commodore 
Foote observing, was for the moment perplexed. He thought first of 
falling back with her, and by fastening to her, to bring her again into 
line, but the second thought decided him to let her go; and pressing 
more eagerlj- forward with the Cincinnati, urged on by the plain neces- 
sity of close and desperate fighting, bore down upon the Fort, with a 
fiercer front than ever, hurling his messengers of death and destruc- 
tion so rapidly upon the enemy, that all resistance was useless, and 
they were compelled to capitulate. 

The St. Louis and Carondelet did splendid work, but did not 
seem to receive so much attention from the enemy. They are marked 
in several places, but did not lose a man. 

Commodore Foote informs me that but eleven of the guns of the 
four boats were used, and the rebel officers represent that, out of the 
seventeen guns with which the Fort was armed, but eleven were 
brought to bear upon the boats— so that no advantage can be claimed 
by either side. The guns of the Fort were all of heavy calibre, the 
largest being a one hundred and twenty-eight-pounder— a beautifully 
finished piece from the Tredegar Works at Richmond. They had one 
rifled cannon, a thirty-two-pounder, which burst during the engage- 
ment, and became useless. Their guns were most skilfully handled. 
and all our officers give them the credit of a most gallant and deter- 
mined defense of their fort. 

The rebels report but five killed and eight or ten wounded. The 
number of prisoners is now stated to be fifty-four. The disposition of 
Gen. Tilghman and staff" I have already sent you. They will probably 
be sent to this place to-day or to-morrow. 

When the flag of the Fort was lowered, it was not quite taken out 
of sight of the boats, and Commodore Foote did not know but some 



FORT HENRY 67 

trick was about to be played upon him, so he remained quiet for a few 
minutes, waiting further demonstrations. Soon a small white yawl 
put out fi'om the Fort, containing two officers, and on approaching the 
Cincinnati was liailed by Master Hoel. The officers said they wanted 
a conference with the Flag-Officer, which was at once granted tliem. 
One of our boats then put out for the Fort, containing Captain Stembel 
of the Cincinnati, and Captain Phelps of the Conestoga, which boat 
had now come up lo the scene of the action. Entering the Fort, they 
immediately reared the American flag and brought off the rebel flag. 
Gen. Tilghman and staff tlien came on board the Cincinnati, and asked 
to be shown to Commodore Foote. At the interview, the General de- 
sired to know the terms of surrender, to which the Commodore re- 
plied: "An unconditional surrender." And so it was accepted. 

The amount of army plunder which fell into our hands is repre- 
sented as very large, consisting of cannon, ammunition, tents, baggage, 
and muskets. 

The rebel infantry forces encamped outside of the Fort, whose 
numbers are variously estimated from three to ten thousand, quit their 
position before and during the fight, getting off in such a hurry that 
much valuable property was left. 

General Grant, with an advance guard, took possession of the 
Fort about an hour after the surrender, Commodore Foote turning 
every thing over to him. Whether Gen. Grant pursued the en- 
emy that night or the next day, I cannot positively learn. The gun- 
boats Tyler, Conestoga, and Lexington passed up the river toward 
the railroad bridge, and have not been heard from at this writing. 
The steamer Golden State is just in from Paducah, and brings no later 
news than that bi'ought by the gunboats, though a boat was hourly 
expected down the Tennessee. 

The general comment on the fight at this place is marked by 
much complaint of General Grant, though how justly or unjustly such 
complaint may be made cannot now be ascertained. It is known that 
Commodore Foote desired a brigade of infantry to go along the bank 
of the river with his boats, but this was not granted. Gen. Grant, it 
is thought, is much to blame for his inadequate transportation. He 
might have had boats enough to have landed all his force at once, and 
to have surrounded the enemy instantly. As it is, they have all 
escaped but those left in the Fort to man the guns. It is hoped that 
the rebel army has been vigorously pursued. 

Yours, 

G. W. F. 



Results of the Victory. 

CAIRO, FRIDAY NIGHT, FEB. 7, 1862. 

The reduction of Fort Henry and the capture of General Tilgh- 
man, staff and men, though they maj' be justly regarded as compris- 
ing one of the most brilliant feats of the war, are not more gratifying 



68 ST. LOUIS DEMOCRAT 

in themselves tlian important in their results. It is not very difficult 
to imagine the effect which the affair will have upon the rebel leaders 
generally, and upon the camp at Columbus particularly. At that im- 
pregnable point, as they have been pleased to regard it, they will now 
have a lively and rather disturbing appreciation of the effectiveness 
of the guuboat service of the West. Commodore Foote has shown 
what it is in his power to do with hut four of his boats, and they bring- 
ing to bear but eleven of their guns. Fort Henry was, perhaps, as 
strong an earthwork as any yet constructed by the rebels. It was 
mounted with seventeen heavy guns, eleven of which, equal in calibre 
to those on the gunboats, were taxed to their utmost in defence of the 
Fort, but yet. in the wonderfully short space of one hour and twenty 
minutes, were entirely silenced and surrendered into the hands of 
Commodore Foote. These guns, too, were mounted by some of the 
finest artillerists of the South, yet were insufficient. 

With this instructive lesson before their eyes, it would seem rea- 
sonable to conclude that not even in Columbus will the rebels venture 
to dispute the palm with Commodore Foote, when in command of his 
full fleet of twelve boats and their full armaments. If they make the 
fight, we have a reasonable assurance that that place will meet the 
same destruction that was so summarily visited upon Fort Henry. 

In this connection, we may allude to a significant bit of informa- 
tion: that the whole gunboat fleet is to be put in complete readiness 
at once, each boat in the late action to repair as well as she can until 
the order to move is given, which may be issued at any moment. 

Another important result of the Fort Henry victory is the open- 
ing of Tennessee to the army under Gen. Grant, and the seizure and 
perhaps the destruction of the Nashville and Memphis Railroad, thus 
severing the connection between Bowling Green and Columbus, and 
threatening the rear of both these important points. Gen. Grant's 
division, including the brigade under Gen. Wallace, which we take for 
granted has ere this joined him. will number at least twenty thousand 
men. To this, we learn, additions of a large character will be rapidly 
made. A regiment passed up to-day on the Empress. One or two 
more are coming down the Central Railroad tonight, and will be for- 
warded immediately. The i-ailroads in Illinois, we hear, have been 
appropriated for twelve days for the transportation of troops. The 
Quartermaster's department here is very much hurried, while activity 
and hopefulness are noticed in all army circles. 

All this, I think, is the natural and important result growing out 
of the reduction of Fort Henry, and we may justly regard it as the be- 
ginning of a development which has for its speedy' maturity either the 
capture of Bowling Green and Columbus, or the evacuation of both- 
more probably the latter. The spinal column of the rebellion is un- 
doubtedly broken just in the small of the back, at the railroad bridge 
over the Tennessee River. The great medicine-man, Beauregard, 
comes west too late for a cure. 



TENNESSEE RIVER 69 

We are looking for important news from above to-night. A boat 
may get down before midnight with the rebel prisoners on board, and 
satisfactory information from Gen. Wallace's movement. 

Yours, etc., G. W. F. 



Cincinnati "Gazette" Narrative. * 

ON BOARD THE FLAG -SHIP gT. LOUIS, ) 

NEAR PADUCAH, February 12. ( 

I have just learned the following interesting particulars of an ex- 
pedition up the Tennessee River. The telegraph has, I believe, 
meagrely sketched some of the facts. What I give you is "ex cathe- 
dra.'^ 

On the sixth instant, soon after the surrender of Fort Henry, 
Commodore Foote gave orders to Capt. S. L. Phelps, of the Conestoga, 
to proceed up the Tenne'-see River, in command of a division consist- 
ing of the Tyler, under the command of Lieut. Gwin; the Lexington, 
under command of Lieut. Shirk ; and his own vessel. After dark of the 
same day, the flotilla arrived at the railroad-crossing twenty-five miles 
above Fort Henry, and destroyed a large amount of camp equipage 
abandoned by the fleeing rebels. The draw of the bridge was found 
closed, and the machinery for working it disabled. About a mile and a 
half above the bridge were several rebel transport steamers, making 
good headway up the stream. Capt. Phelps ordered a squad of men 
to open the draw. This was done in about an hour. The Tyler being 
the slowest of the gunboats. Lieut. Gwin landed a force to destroy a 
portion of the railroad track, and to secure such military stores as 
might be found, while Captain Phelps and Lieut. Shirk, with the Con- 
estoga and Lexington, followed the fugitive rebels with great speed. 
In five hours the Conestoga succeeded in forcing the rebels to abandon 
and burn three of their boats, loaded with niilitary stores. The first 
one fired by the rebels, the Samuel Orr, had on board a quantity of sub- 
marine batteries, which very soon exploded. The second one was 
freighted with powder, cannon, grape, balls, etc. Fearing an explosion 
from the fired boats, (there were two of them close together,) Capt. 
Phelps had stopped at a distance of one thousand yards, but even then 
the skylights of the Federal boats were broken by the concussion; the 
light upper deck was raised bodily, doors were forced open, and locks 
and fastenings everywhere broken. The whole river for a half a mile 
round, was completely beaten up by the falling fragments, and the 
showers of shot and balls. The house of a reputed Union man was 
blown to pieces. It is suspected there was some such design in landing 
the boats in front of the doomed house. The Lexington having fallen 
astern, and without a pilot on board, Capt. Phelps concluded to wait 
for both of the boats to come up. 

* From Moore, IV— 120. Cf. Newspaper items on p. 29, ante, also. Report Phelps 
R. R. 7—153. 



70 CINCINNATI GAZETTE 

They all proceeded up the river. Lieut. Gwin had destroyed some 
of the trestle-work at the end of the bridge, burning- also a lot of camp 
equipage. J. N. Brown, formerly a lieutenant in the Federal navy, 
now of the confederates, had fled with such precipitation as to leave 
his papers behind him. Lieut. Gwin got possession of these; they con- 
sisted of an official history of the rebel floating preparations on the 
Mississippi, Cumberland and Tennessee. Lieut. Biown, it appears, 
had charge of the construction of the rebel giinboats. 

At night, on the seventh, the flotilla arrived at a landing" in Har- 
din County, Tennessee, known as Cerro Gordo, where they found the 
steamer Eastport being converted into a rebel gunboat. Armed boats" 
crews were immediately sent on board. On reaching her, it was found 
that she had been scuttled and the section-pipes broken. These leaks 
were soon stopped. A number of rifle shots were fired at the Federal 
boats, but a couple of well directed shells dispeised the rebels. 

On examination, Capt. Phelps found that there were large quan- 
tities of lumber prepared for filling up the Eastport; that the vessel 
itself, two hundred and eighty feet in length, was in excellent con- 
dition, and already half finished. A considerable quantity of the iron 
plating was lying on the bank, and everything at hand to complete 
her. Lieut. Gwin remained with tlie Tyler to guard the prize, timber, 
etc.. while the other boats proceeded up the river. 

Soon after daylight, on the eighth, they passed Eastport, Missis- 
sippi, andat Chickasaw, further up near the State line, seized the steam- 
ers Sallie Wood and Muscle, the former laid up, and the latter freight- 
ed with iron, destined for Richmond, for rebel use. 

The flotilla proceeded up the river, entering the State of Alabama, 
and ascending to Florence at the foot of the muscle shoals. On com- 
ing in sight of the town of Florence, three steamers were discovered 
by our men, but they were immediately set on fire by the rebels. 
Some shots were fired from the opposite side of the river below. A 
force was landed, and considerable quantities of supplies marked "Fort 
Henry,'* were secured from the burning wrecks. Some had been 
loaded and stored. Our flotilla took possession of as much of these 
stores as they could bring away, and destroyed the remainder. A 
large qtiantity of iron plating, evidenth intended for the Eastport, was 
found here also. 

A deputation of the citizens of Florence waited upon Capt. Phelps, 
desiring that they might be made able to quiet the fears of their wives 
and daughters with assurance that they would not be molested; also, 
praying that the Captain would not destroy the railroad bridge. As 
for the first proposition, the anxious fathers and husbands were as- 
sured that the Federals were neither ruffians nor savages, and that 
they were on an errand of protection to loyalty and enforcement of 
law. As to the second proposition. Captain Phelps said that if the 
bridge were away, he could ascend no higher, and that it could possess, 
so far as he saw, no military importance, as it simply connected 
Florence with the railroad on the south bank of the river. 



TENNESSEE RIVER 71 

Our brave command had seized three rebel steamboats, one of 
them a half- finished gunboat, and had forced the rebels to burn six 
others loaded with supplies. This was a heavy blow- to the enemy. 

Two rebel boats are still known to be in the Tennessee River, and 
are doubtless hidden in some of the creeks, where they will be found 
when there is time for the search. 

On the night of tlie eighth, the flotilla returned to where the 
Eastport lay. The crews of the different boats secured two hundred 
and fifty thousand feet of the best quality of ship and building lumber, 
all the iron, machinery, spikes, etc., intended to be used in the com- 
pletion of the gunboat. The saw-mill used in preparing the lumber 
was destroyed. 

In the absence of the Uonestogaand Lexington, Lieut. (J win enlist- 
ed twenty-five Tennesseeans, who gave information of the encamp- 
ment of Col. Drew's rebel regiment, near Savannah, Tenn. A portion 
of the six hundred or seven hundred men composing the regiment were 
known to have been "pressed" into the service, and all were badly 
armed. Captain Phelps determined to make a land attack on this en- 
campment. Lieut. Sliirk, with thirty riflemen, went on board the Con- 
estoga, leaving his vessel to guard the Eastport. The Conestoga and 
Tyler went up toward the encampment, but after landing one hundred 
and thirty riflemen, and a twelve-pound howitzer, it was discovered 
that the rebels had left. A large quantity of stores, shoes, etc, were 
found on the grqund, the fugitives having been greatly alarmed when 
they departed. A mail -bag, containing letters full of military infor- 
mation, was found, and is now in possession of Commodore Foote. 
Proceeding a few miles down the river, to a point where the rebels 
had a small armory, our men captured seventy rifles and fowling- 
pieces. 

Returning to Cerro Gordo, our men took the Eastport, Sallie 
Wood and ^vluscle in tow, and came down the river to the railroad- 
crossing. The Muscle sprung a leak, and all efforts failed to prevent 
her from sinking. She was abandoned, and with her a quantity of 
fine lumber.. In the ofl&cial report of this important expedition, Capt. 
Phelps says that he met with the most gratifying proofs of loyalty 
everywhere across Tennessee and in the portions of Mississippi and 
Alabama visited by him. Most affecting instances greeted him hour- 
ly. Men, women, and children several times gathered in crowds of 
hundreds, .shouted his welcome;, and hailed tlie National flag with an 
enthusiasm not to be mistaken. It was genuine and heartfelt. The 
loj^al people braved everything to get to the river bank to see the old 
flag once more. Their tales of persecution and suffering were heart- 
rending. Tears flowed freely down the cheeks of men as well as 
women, as they spoke of the fondly cherished hope of again living 
under the Stars and Stripes. 

At Savannah, Tenn., Capt. Phelps was assured that, of the several 
hundred troops of which I have already spoken, more than one half 
would have hailed their capture by our men as a delivei-ance from 



72 NEW YORK TIMES 

bondage. In Mississippi tlie people spoke with less freedom about 
the Union cause. They said they were actually afraid of their own 
shadows, so great was the reign of terror in their midst. 

The selection of Captain Phelps for this important expedition, has 
proven one of the best that could have been made. In a man who, 
like him, unites with the loyalty of a patriotic American citizen the 
coolness and intrepidity of an experienced commander, there can behi- 
tle wanting to make him equal to any emergency that the service of 
our country, in her hour of peril, may present. He has done much, 
and will do more to establish the high character of the calling in which 
he is engaged. 

Commodore Foote has just cause for self-congratulation in de- 
vising the expedition, and placing at its head a man who has so nobly 
acquitted himself. Of this valiant officer, however, more anon. 

Mack. 



New York *' Times" Account J 

IN CAMP NEAP FORT DONELSON. } 
SATURDAY, FEB. 15, 1862. f 

It was determined by Gen. Grant to make the attack upon Fort 
Donelson from two directions — by land from the direction of Fort 
Henry, and by water up the Cumberland, assisted by an adequate col- 
umn of troops on the banks. Tuesday night, the Fifty-seventh Illinois, 
Col. Baldwin, arrived at Fort Henry, on the steamer Minnehaha. 

Gen. Grant directed Col. Baldwin to return immediately down the 
river, stop all traasports with troops, proceed down the Tennessee 
and up the Cumberland, keeping in the rear of gunboats, which would 
be found ready to start at Paducah on his arrival. The order also 
added that he should reach the vicinity of Fort Donelson Wednesday 
afternoon, disembark his troops, and be ready, in conjunction with 
the column from Fort Henry and the gunboats, to make an attack 
upon Fort Donelson Thursday morning. The plan seemed easy of ac- 
complishment, so far as keeping "on time" is concerned, but in this 
respect quite a failure ensued. 

Cooks were immediatelj' set at work to provide the three days' 
rations ordered, and this took until midnight to accomplish. The 
Minnehaha then started out and reached Paducah about daylight, 
stopping and turning back on the way some eight or ten transports, 
loaded with troops. 

Upon reaching Paducah, we found that only a portion of the gun- 
boat fleet had arrived, and this necessitated another delay. Toward 
night, however, the stragglers came slowly creeping up the river, and 
soon after the whole fleet started, and by ten o'clock we had reached 
Smithland, at the mouth of the Cumberland River. The scene here 
was magnificent beyond description — the night was as warm as an 
evening in August in our more northern latitudes, a full moon looked 

1 From Moore, IV— 170. 



FORT DONELSON 73 

down from an unclouded sky, and glanced off from bayonets, plumes, 
and sword-hilts without number. At intervals long jets of fleecy 
smoke burst out along the parapets of the two forts on the height 
overlooking the town, and the boom of the welcome went reverberat- 
ing over the hills, till from the long distances in Kentucky it came 
back like a whisper. In turn the bands on the boats charmed the ear 
with most eloquent music, which, added to the effect of scores of gaily 
dressed ladies promenading the upper decks, gave the scene more the 
character of some vast drawing-room gathering — so much like was it. 
that no one would have been surprised had the whole crowd suddenly 
resolved into eddies of whirling waltzes or the swift changeful cur- 
rents of quadrille or gallopade. 

It was midnight before the fleet again got under way, and from 
that time our progress against the rapid sweep of the Cumberland was 
of the slowest possible description. On the morning of Thursday, by 
about nine o'clock, we made Eddyville — a small town on the east bank 
of the river, and distant only about forty-five miles from Smithland. 
If one may judge from the demonstrations of those who stood on the 
shore watching our passage, a more loyal town than Eddyville exists 
nowhere beneath the sun. The women waved handkerchiefs of all 
colors, or in lieu of that an apron or bonnet; the men swung their hats 
and vociferated alternately "Hurrah for the Union!" and "Hurrah for 
Lincoln!" until hoarse beyond utterance; even the dogs of Eddyville 
were loyal, and barked and wagged their tails in patriotic joy at the 
national inun'dation. There was only one case, however, that bore the 
marks of sincerity. An old man, whose head was white as a snow- 
drift, stood on the shore leaning heavily on his cane and watching 
with seeming apathy the passage of the boats, whose full appearance 
his faded eyes probably failed to catch. Just as the Minnehaha passed 
opposite him the magnificent band of the Fifty-seventh struck up 
"Yankee Doodle." Its strains seemed to awaken stirring memories 
in the old man's mind — off went his hat, and with a vim that sent his 
hair flying around his head like a snow-bank lifted by the wind, he 
gave three hearty cheers for the Union — the Union in which himself, 
his children, and his grandchildren had been born, reared and pro- 
tected. 

Eddyville is a nice little town, and probably is quite as good as the 
ancient scriptural city which numbered at least one righteous man 
among its inhabitants. It is probably some time since the high bluffs, 
which environ it have had their echoes busy translating the patriotic 
airs of "Hail Columbia," "Star f^pangled Banner," and "Yankee 
Doodle," and much good, I hope, may the exerciee do those for whose 
benefit it was intended. 

It was close upon midnight when the fleet reached the point be- 
low the Fort, where the disembarking was to take place; and then a 
savage wind was driving hail, sleet and snow directly in our teeth, as 
the work of landing the troops was commenced. A more disagreeable 
job never was undertaken and finished; the storm had cleared off. 



74 NEW YORK TIMES 

leaving the ground frozen hard and covered to the depth of an inc 
with snow. 

The cohimn which thus readied here, by way of the Cumberland, 
numbered not far from ten thousand men, who were conveyed in 
fourteen transport steamers; the column which came from Fort Henry, 
across the counti'y, under Gen. Grant in person, was composed, in 
round numbers, of twenty thousand men, and included infantry, some 
fifteen or seventeen batteries of artillery, and from twelve to fifteen 
hundred horsemen. Before pi-oceeding further in the history of affairs, 
I will write of the movements of this force. 

The land forces left Fort Henry at ten o'clock Wednesday morn- 
ing. The route lay along the Dover road, and as there had been no 
rain for the last few days, and the weather was mild and cheerful, the 
progress was comi)arative]y rapid. In some four hours after starting, 
the head of the column had entered the ravines to the rear, and taken 
up a position within about two miles of Fort Donelson. This position 
was not taken till after frequent and short delays, the surroundings 
were carefully examined, and their entire freedom from masked bat- 
teries and other favorite secession man-ti'aps fully ascertained. 

The rest of the day was spent in bringing the remaining {)art of 
the forces into position, which was done by extending both up and 
down a line parallel witli the river, and then bending in the extreme 
right and left, thus enclosing the Fort in a semi -circular line, and 
completely surrounding it. This was not done without much trouble. 
The enemy's pickets and sharpshooters seemed endless in number, 
and had to be driven from every ravine and hill-top, at an expense of 
much blood-letting. No very serious damage resulted, however, to 
our forces, and by night they liad driven the rebels completely within 
the line of their fortifications, and liad sharpened their appetites for a 
more serious brush on the day following. 

Thursday morning dawned beautifully, and seemed to smile upon 
the efforts of the National troops. The men cheerfully accepted the 
omen, and determined to make the most of the weather and their rifles 
during the day — a determination which was fully carried out ere night, 
and which gave many a poor fellow a leaden passport for ferriage 
over the dark river. 

Among the operations projected, was one to force a reconnois- 
sance close up to the Fort, and thus early settle the character of the 
neighboring ground with a view to the more important operations of 
the future. The ground around the Fort is a rolling upland, covered 
wiih heavy timber and dense undergrowth, and broken for miles 
around into ravines, bordered by precipitous bluffs, whose sides, steep 
and rocky, almost forbid the passage of even a goat. The Fort itself 
is situated upon a high bluff', which slants with an easy descent to a 
point at the water's edge on the north, and is probably not less than 
one hundred feet above the level of the water. To the rear the bluff 
has been to some extent levelled for the distance of a mile. On this 
artificial table-land stands the Fort, whose lines of fortifications and 



FORT DONELSON 75 

rifle-pits cover the entire levelled space. Bordering this fortified por- 
tion is a ravine of no grf-at depth, across which, and forming its outer 
boundary, is a timbered ridge, or rather a series of ridges, for it is di- 
vided at intervals by ravines which flow in all directions like streams 
emptying into a river. 

Moving toward this ridge about ten A. M. Thursday, was a body 
of National troops, composed in all of about five regiments of infantry 
and some three or four batteries of artillery. The National troops 
were met, at a distance of a thousand yards or so, by a heavy force of 
the enemy, and a sharp engagement ensued, which, however, was 
confined mainly to artillery practice and "bushwhacking" on both 
sides. The enemy gradually gave ground, and in an hour had taken 
refuge within their works, and our troops were in possession of the 
series of hills which lies adjacent to the ravine next to the outer line of 
fortifications. The distance from these ridges to the nearest defences 
of the rebels was not more than three hundred yards, and being cov- 
ered with timber, while they are slightly higher than the works, they 
afforded a capital position for our sharpshooters, of which they were 
not slow to avail themselves. 

Among the rest who disposed themselves along these ridges were 
Birge's celebrated regiment of riflemen, and from that time forward, 
a secession head above the parapet, for ever so brief a period, was 
sure to go down with a hole bored through it about the size of one 
that might be made with a three-quarter auger. This regiment did 
most effectual service. Each member is dressed in gray, with a gray 
felt cap, whose top is rigged "fore-and-aft" with squirrel-tails dyed 
black. Their vvaapon is a heavy rifle, carrying a conical ball, with an 
effective range of about one thousand yards. On this occasion, as in- 
deed upon every other since, they fought pretty much in the places 
and after the manner that happened best to suit individual fancies. 
Lying flat behind a stump, one would watch with finger on trigger for 
rebel game with all the excitement of a hunter waylaying deer at a 
"salt-lick." Woe to rebel caput that was lifted ever so quickly above 
the parapet for a glance at Yankee operations. Fifty eyes instantly 
sighted it, and fifty fingers drew trigger on it, and thereafter it was 
seen no more. Writhing over on his back, the sharpshooter would 
reload and then twist back, in all the operation not exposing so much 
as the tip of his elbow to the enemy. 

About eleven o'clock three regiments— the Fourth Illinois on the 
left, the Forty-ninth on the right, and the Eighteenth in the centre- 
under command of Col. Morrison, started on double-quick down the 
declivity with a view of storming the outer breastwork. As they 
reached the bottom of the bluff Col. Morrison received a ball in his 
hip, and fell from his horse. Seeing their leader fall, and nobody ap- 
pearing to take his place, the regiments wavered, and finally fell back, 
gaining the top of the hill in good order, but with considerable loss. 

Again, in the course of the day, the Twenty-fifth Indiana made a 
break for a breastwork in front of them, but were met by a force of 



76 NEW YORK TIMES 

the enemy triple their own, and were, after fighting desperately for 
nearly an hour, forced to retire. 

These were the main efforts of the land forces during the day, 
aside from the bushwhacking — this was kept up as long as the light 
would permit a man to sight a barrel. Once during the night the 
enemy sallied out in force, and made a determined attempt to capture 
Taylor's Chicago battery, but were driven back with a heavy loss as 
their only recompense. The whole daj' was of the busiest and most 
exciting description. There was not a single instant from ten -o'clock 
until night tliat the woods were not filled with the sharp crack of small 
arms, the heavy roar of artillery, and the swift, whistling rush of the 
rebel grape-shot as it scoured incessantly through the timber— a per- 
fect tempest of iron hail. 

Our total loss through the day was believed at the time to reach 
about thirty killed and one hundred and seventy wounded. This large 
number of casualties resulted, to a great extent, from the imprudence 
of the men themselves. They were so anxious to fight, that they hes- 
itated at no exposure to obtain a shot at the enemy. A large number 
of the wounds were caused by falling limbs, which were wrenched off 
by the fiery showers of grape sent from the rebel batteries. 

During the time that the land foi'ces were engaged, the iron-clad 
gunboat Carondelet, went up and singly engaged the rebel batteries. 
She fired one hundred and two shots, and received no great damage in 
all the tremendous fire to which she was exposed, save in the case of 
a single shot. This, a monster mass of iron, weighing at least one 
hundred and twenty-eight pounds, entered one of her forward ports 
and wounding eight men in its passage, dashed with terrific force 
against the breastwork of coal-bags in front of the boilers, and there 
was stopped. Soon after this she retired from the unequal conquest, 
having covered herself with glory for having so long singly withstood 
the enormous force of the rebels' entire water-batteries. 

Thus ended the operations of Thursday. The results, although 
accompanied by a comparatively heavy loss on our side, were in the 
main satisfactory. The courage and eagerness of our troops were 
tested, the range and bearing of the enemy's guns obtained, and a 
thorough examination made of all the grounds adjacent to the Fort. 

Friday, the work of disembarking the troops and stores brought 
by the transports was commenced. By noon the forces had all landed, 
and were on their way to join the main body. 

The only event of importance that occurred during the day, was 
a heavy engagement between the gunboats and the Fort. About two 
P. M. the Fort threw a few shells at the transports, but, however, 
failed in reaching them by about half a mile. Soon after the whole 
fleet of seven guubaats moved up— the four iron boats in advance and 
ahead, the three wooden boats at a discreet distance in the rear. At 
about a mile the iron boats opened from their bow-guns, and were re- 
plied to promptly by the Fort. 



FORT DONELSON 77 

I secured a position about half-way between the boats and 
Port, a little out of the line of fire, and there for two hours had the 
pleasure of listening to a concert of the most gigantic order. At first 
the roar from Fort and boats was unbroken for a single instant, so 
rapid was the firing, while the air high overhead seemed filled with a 
million of hissings, as the heavy storm of shells tore furiously ahead 
on their mission of destruction. In about half an hour, the fire from 
the Fort began to slacken, and shortly after was continued from only 
three guns —the rest apparently having been silenced by our fire. At 
this time the boats were within some four hundred yards, and were on 
the point of using gi-ape-shot, when a shot disabled the steering ap- 
paratus of the Louisville, by carrying ofT the top of the wheelhouse, 
and knocking the wheel itself into fragments. There was a^tiller aft, 
and this was instantly taken possession of by the pilot — but he had 
scarcely reached it, ere the rudder was carried away by a shot from 
the Tyler. Of course the boat became instantly unmanageable, and 
swung around, receiving a shot in the woodwork towards the stern, 
which, I believe, wounded several seamen. Under these circumstances, 
it was thought best to retire, and accordingly the whole fleet fell back 
to the position it had occupied in the morning. The most serious 
damage sustained during the action was from one of those monster 
one hundred and twenty-eight-pound shots, which passed through a 
bow-port of the Louisville and dismounted the second gun on the 
starboard quarter, killing three men and wounding six others. A 
captain of one of the guns was cut completely in two, and spattered 
his brains over Capt, Dove, who stood by him, and otherwise so man- 
gled him that scarcely a resemblance to humanity remained. The 
same boat also received a shot near the water-line, which, while it did 
not penetrate the hull, started the timbers so as to set her leaking 
badly. During the night, however, all damage was repaired, and this 
morning she is as ready for active service as ever. The total loss on 
the Louisville was six killed and eight or ten wounded. One of the 
other gunboats had some of her woodwork shot away, but was not 
materially damaged. 

The iron boats in action were : 
Louisville, Capt. B. M. Dove. 
St. Louis, Lieut. -Com. Paulding. 
Carondelet, Lieut. -Com. Kelte. 
Mound City, Lieut. -Com. . 

The other three boats were the wooden ones— Tyler, Lexington, 
and Conestoga. 

There is a boat about to leave for Cairo, and I have concluded to 
mail this without awaiting the result of the final assault. Affairs look 
encouraging—the Fort is completely invested, and will probably be 
stormed either this afternoon or to-morrow morning. 

The rebels have a flag flying from the Fort which is thought to 
be a black one. 



78 NEW YORK TIMES 

Fort Donki.hon, Monday, Feb. 7 7, 1802. 

My last letter closed with the doings of our troops up to Friday 
night, and at that point in the progress of the siege I will resume the 
history of events. 

Friday night was one of the severest description. The men being 
without tents, and in many cases without fire, suffered intensely. 
Hundreds were frost-bitten, and from facts related to me since the 
surrender by some of the rebels, I have no doubt but that many of our 
wounded men, who fell in the fight of Friday, and were unable to walk 
in were actually frozen to death. This circumstance is a terrible one, 
and inexpressibly shocking, but there was no help for it. During the 
various conflicts of Friday, the scene was constantly changed from 
point to point, and not again visited by our troops. Men would fall at 
these places, and being unable to get away, were obliged to stay where 
they fell. In some cases, a few of our wounded were cared for by the 
rebels, although they were without fire, and could give them but Uttle 
valuable assistance. 

Saturday morning opened cold and lowering, as if in sympathy 
with the bloody drama which its first gray beams inaugurated. All 
the day the tide of battle raged along the ground which had hitherto 
divided the hostile forces, and swallowed in its bloody depths more 
brave lives than were lost in all the days before. 

On the extreme right of the National line was Gen. McClernand's 
division, composed of three brigades, as follows: 

FIRST BRIGADE— COL. OGLESBY COMMANDING 

Eighth Illinois, Lieut. -Col. Rhoades. 

Eighteenth Illinois, ('ol. Lawler. 

Twenty-ninth Illinois, Col. Reardon. 

Thirtieth Illinois, Lieut.-Col. Dennis. 

Thirty-first Illinois, Col. John A. Logan. 

Swartz and Dresser's batteries. 

Stewart's, Dollin's, O'Harnett's, and Carmichael's cavalry. 

SECOND BRIGADE—COL. W. H. L. WALLACE 

Eleventh Illinois, Lieut.-Col. Hart. 
Twentieth Illinois, Col. Marsh. 
Forty -fifth Illinois, Col. Smith. 
Forty-eighth Illinois, Col. Harney. 
Twenty-fifth Kentucky, Col. Shackleford. 
Taylor's and McAUister's batteries. 
Seventh Illinois cavalry, Capt. Kellogg. 
Fourth Illinois cavalry, Col. Dickey. 

THE THIRD BRIGADE 

as made up, is commanded by Gen. Payne, who, however, was not 
present. It has only two regiments: 

Eighth Wisconsin, Col. Murphy. 

Forty- ninth Illinois, Col. W. R. Morrison. 



FORT DONELSON 79 

These tliree brigades occupied the entire ground from the centre 
of the National line to its extreme right. The balance of the line from 
the centre to the extreme left, was lield by the second division under 
Gen. C. F. Smith. 

Early on the morning of Friday— almost before it was fairly light — 
the enemy poured forth in a mass of not less than tliree thousand 
men, and hurled themselves with tremendous force against the Forty- 
fifth and Twelfth Illinois regiments, that were nearly on the exti-eme 
right. Accompanying them were twelve batteries of artillery. The 
Forty-fifth and Twelfth sustained the shock manfully for a short time, 
and then withdrew. Tlie Eighteenth and Nintii Illinois soon after 
came to their supjiort, and for a short time held the enemy in check. 
Soon after, the Thirtieth, Thirt^^- first and Eleventh Illinois regi- 
ments, the Eighth Missouri, Fifty -eighth Ohio, and Twenty-fifth 
Kentucky, and Wiilard's battery were added to the National force, 
and the fight became of terrific proportions. McAllister's battery took 
position on an eminence, and for four hours their heavy twenty-four- 
pounders were not silent for a single instant. During all this time 
they were exposed to a heavy fire from the rebels, who had erected 
batteries so as to command McAllister's position from three points — 
two directly in front, and one on his right. Taylor's battery stood a 
little to the rear of the other, and somewhat to the left — the other 
National batteries were distributed at various points along the line, as 
tlie nature of the ground would permit— all kept the air incessantly 
filled with their music, and with showers of grape and shell. 

This is but an outline of the position of the National forces, for 
there can be strictly no correct sketch given, as at no time during the 
fight were the regiments stationary. Now they pushed forward, 
again fell back, withdrew, and were replaced by others. The fight 
itself was prolonged and desperate. Now it rolled over a hill, anon 
poured along a ravine, always in the woods, and always marking its 
track in characters of blood. The conflict was not conducted accord- 
ing to any particular military plan — men stationed themselves behind 
trees, logs, rocks, anything that would afford shelter, and blazed away 
whenever a hostile head appeared. 

The Twenty-fifth Kentucky regiment was on the extreme right, 
and was attacked by a swarm of the enemy with such vigor that they 
broke and fled in disorder. At another part of the National line the 
attack was conducted by such overwhelming numbers that the line 
was broken through, and the battle seemed well-nigh likely to become 
a total rout on the part of the National forces. It was at this last gap 
broken through the National line that McAllister's battery was sta- 
tioned, and where for a time it fell in the hands of the rebels. The 
battery had only one hundred and fifty rounds of ammunition, and at 
about ten o'clock these were all fired away — not a single shot was left. 
Capt. McAllister in vain endeavored to obtain a supply from the rear; 
a shot from the enemy passed through tliree of his horses; anotiier 
tore off the trail from one of the guns; a third smashed the wheel of a 



80 NEW YORK TIMES 

second gun. Just at this time, a heavy force of the enemy obtained a 
cover near him, and opened fire at about two hundred yards with 
musketry. Hitching six horses to the only undamaged gun, he endeav- 
ored to haul it off, but the weight was so great, and the road in such a 
muddy condition, tluit it was found impossible to get along with it, and 
after dragging it a half-mile, it became mired, and he was reluctantly 
obliged to leave it. The horses were driven on, dragging the limbers 
and empty caissons, and the guns were left to their fate. In the course of 
the day a tremendous charge on the part of our troops reoccupied the 
lost ground, closed up the gap and recovered the pieces. They were 
found where they were left, their great weight — being twenty-four- 
pound siege-guns probably preventing the enemy from taking them 
away. 

The fight raged from daylight until nearly noon without a mo- 
ment's cessation, and resulted in the enemy's being driven back to his 
intrenchments. The battle-ground extended over a space some two 
miles in length, every inch of which was the witness of a savage con- 
fiiet. The rebels fought with the most determined bravery, and seemed 
bent upon breaking through the right wing at any cost. They poured 
against our lines a perfect flood, and it was only by a bravery that 
equalled their own, and a resolute determination to conquer that out- 
lasted their efforts, that our gallant soldiers were at length enabled to 
stay the fierce tide, and finally to hurl it back to its former boundaries. 
Our men determined that they would win, and win they did, with a 
gallantry that entitles every man to the name of hero. 

The whole of the fight was of the most terrific character. Without 
a single moment's cessation the rebels poured into our forces perfect 
torrents of canister, shell, and round shot, while their thousands of 
riflemen hurled in a destructive fire from every bush, tree, log, or ob- 
struction of any kind that afforded shelter. The roar of the battle 
was like that of a heavy tornado, as it sweeps through some forest on 
its mission of destruction. Small arms kept up an incessant cracking, 
mingling with which came up occasionally the roar of company or di- 
vision firing, while over all came every moment or two the resonant 
thunders of the batteries. 

Never fought men better than did ours on this bloody day. They 
clung to a position till driven from it by the direst necessity, and in 
many individual cases, men refused to reti-eat, but stuck to their tree 
or bush till the enemy's force rolled about them and swallowed them 
up. Many in this way were taken prisoners, while others found a 
speedier, bloodier end to their daring. The victory was a costly one. 
Some of the regiments were cut completely to pieces, others were re- 
duced to a size that scarcely left them a respectable company, while all 
suffered more or less severely'. Lieut. -Col. Quinn, of the Twentieth 
Illinois, while gallantly urging on his men in the hottest of the fight, 
was struck by a grapeshot that cut his heart completely out. The 
mortality among officers was terrible. Major Post, of the Eighth 



FORT DONELSON 81 

Illinois, Capt. Rigby, acting Major of the Thirty-first Illinois, LienL - 
Col. White, of the same regiment, Lieut. -Col. Smith, of the Forty- 
eighth; Capt. Craig, company A, and Lieut. Skeats, company F, all of 
the Eighteenth; Capt. Wilson, company F. Eighth, Capt. Swartout, 
company H, Eighth Missouri: Capt. Shaw, company B, Lieut. Vore, 
company E, and Lieut. Boyce, all of the Eleventh Illinois; Adjt. Kirk- 
patrick, of the Thirtieth, Capt. Mendel, of the Seventh, Capt. Brokeck, 
of the Forty-ninth Illinois, Lieut. Mausker, of the Eighteentli Illinois; 
Adjt. Chipman and Capt. Slaymaker, of the Second Iowa, were among 
those who met their death on this bloody battlefield. 

Our entire loss is not yet known, but will reach a figure not much 
shortof six hundred, killed and wounded. The number of men wound- 
ed is beyond all precedent, but in an unusually large number of cases, 
they are not of a serious nature. The enemy used, generally, the 
"buck and ball" cartridge; that is, a cartridge with one ball and three 
buckshot. Almost everybody got a scratch from one of the latter; one 
could scarcely go anywhere where the air was not filled with them. 

Affairs had scarcely quieted down, on the right wing, ere the ball 
was opened in Gen. Smiths division on the left. The Second, Seventh, 
and Fourteenth Iowa, and the Eleventh and Twenty-fifth Indiana 
Regiments had a sharp engagement, with a very brilliant success. In 
front of them was the outer breast- work of the enemy, and this it was 
determined to storm. About three o'clock a heavy body of men was 
thrown forward as skirmishers, between whom and the rebels there 
ensued an exchange of compliments of a very exciting nature. Fin- 
ally, after fighting an hour or so, with no great damage to either par- 
ty, the Iowa Second rushed forward, charged the breast-work on a 
run, and with a tremendous cheer swarmed over the top and carried 
it with the bayonet. They were soon after supported by the rest of the 
column, and the rebels were driven into their next line by a savage fire 
of musketry that swept them down by scores. 

The whole operation was exceedingly brilliant, and reflects high 
credit upon Gen. Smith, who personally superintended the operation, 
exposed himself precisely as if he had been a private soldier, and was 
among the first to mount the breast-work. The whole thing was ac- 
complished in the face of immense odds, and with a comparatively small 
loss — the number of killed and wounded would not probably exceed 
sixty or seventy men. 

Soon after the taking of this work, batteries were brought up, a' 
rebel gun was silenced that had persistently, but with no effect, been 
playing all the afternoon on the National lines, and preparations 
were completed for a renewal of hostilities, in the morning, upon the 
next line of breast-works. 

Thus ended the bloodiest day of all in the history of the siege of 
Fort Donelson. No day has ever before seen in this war a conflict more 
determined, or an endurance more unyielding. There was at no time 
a doubt as to the result, or a heart that quailed as it entei'ed the lines, 
where the bullets fell like a hailstorm. Even the sight of the savage 



82 NEW YORK TIMES 

wounds, or the still more sickening one of the ghastly faces of the 
dead, seemed to have no effect upon our men. It did not unnerve or 
unman them. They fought on just as tranquilly as though the hideous 
angel of deatli had been a ihousand leagues away. When a man was 
wounded, his comrades would help him to the rear, and then return 
instantly to their position, and resunu> I heir tighting as if nothing had 
happened. Of cases of individual daring there were a multitude, some 
of which I hope to present i'l another letter. 

All the regiments fought gallantlj', with, perhaps, one or two 
exceptions. The Kentucky regiment which retreated has but^lately 
been recruited; the meji are undisciplined, and lack that confidence in 
themselves and each other which is obtained by military training. 
The Forty -fifth Illinois is also accused of having made a rather pre- 
cipitate and unwairanted retreat, but probably they have sufficient 
reasons to satisfy themselves at least, and possibly the public. 

The next morning, Sunday, General Buckner, commander of the 
Fort, to the great astonishment of everybody sent out a request for a 
cessation of hostilities until noon, that some arrangement might be 
agreed upon for a surrender of the position. Gen. Grant required an 
unconditional surrender, and this, after some grumbling on the part of 
the rebel commander, was agreed to. Soon after the Stars and Stripes 
were lloating from the parapet of the Fort, and swung gracefully a lit- 
tle later from the cupola of the courtliouse in the little town of Dover. 

APPEARANCE OF FORT DONELSON. 

The first thing that strikes one upon entering Fort Donelson, is 
its immense strength. Fort Henry was thought to be almost a Gibral- 
tar, but its strength is weakness compared to that of Donelson. Along 
Dover, the Cumberland River runs nearly north. A half-mile or so 
below it makes a short bend to the west for some hundred yards or so, 
and then turns again, and pursues its natural course due north. Right 
in this bend on the left bank of the river, and commanding it to the 
north, arc two water -batteries, side by side, and nearly down to the 
water's edge. 

The main battei'y has nine guns, all looking straight down the river. 
The left-hand gun is a ten-inch columbiad — the rest are thirty-two- 
pounders. The other battery has three guns — the middle one a formi- 
dable rifled sixty-four-pound columbiad— the others, sixty-four-pound 
howitzers. All these guns are protected by breast -works of immense 
thickness, the tops of which are composed of coffee -sacks filled with 
earth. Back of these batteries the shore rises with a pretty steep as- 
cent till it forms a hill, whose top is nearly or quite one hundred feet 
above the water. On top of this hill is Fort Donelson, an irregular 
work, which encloses about one hundred acres. The only guns in the 
Fort are four light siege -guns, a twelve-pound-howitzer, twotwentj'- 
four-pound guns, and one sixty-four-pound howitzer. West of the 
Fort, in the direction of the place occupied by Gen. Grant, and south 
towards Gen. McClernand's position, the country is a succession of 



FORT DONELSON 83 

hillH. For several hundred yards around the fort tlie tinil)er has all 
been cut down so as to afford a fair sweep for the confederate guns. 
Surrounding the whole Fort and town, and distant from the former 
about a mile, is a trench for riflemen, which runs completely around 
from the river-bank above Dover almost to a point near the river 
some distance below the water-batteries. Directly west of the Fort, 
and within the rifle-pit, are formidable abattis, which would render 
an advance from that direction almost an impossibility. 

Soon after entering the Fort, we found that Gen. Pillow had been 
in command, but, in comj)any with Gen. Floyd, had that morning 
made a precipitate retreat up the Cumberland upon a rebel ti-ansport. 
Accompanying Floyd was his brigade, consisting of the Fifty-first and 
Fifty-seventh regiments Virginia infantry; all the rest of the garrison, 
some twelve thousand men, remained, and were captured. The num- 
ber of guns captured was about one hundred and forty-six — all of 
which were batteries of light artillery, except the heavy guns mount- 
ed in the Fort and watei'-batteries. There were also from t(Mi to fift' en 
thousand stand of smail arms, the larger part of which are shot-guns, 
rifles, and flint-lock nniskets. 

The regiments which surrendered were as follows: 

Col. Gants' battalion, Ninth Tennessee cavalry, eight hundred 
men. 

Forrest's brigade, Louisiana cavalry, one thousand one hundred 
men. 

Forty-ninth Tennessee infantry. Col. Bailey. 

Thirtieth Tennessee, Col. J. M. Head. 

Fifty-third Tennessee, Col. Vorhees. 

Fiftieth Tennessee, Col. Abernethy. 

Tenth Tennessee, Col. Hieman. 

First battalion. Col. Colms. 

Fifty-First Tennessee, Col. Suggs. 

Fourteenth Mississippi, Col. . 

Fourth Mississippi, Col. Drake. 

Third Mississippi, Col. . 

Twentieth Mississippi, Col. . 

Twentieth Kentucky, Col. . 

Third Tennessee, Col. Brown. 

One Alabama regiment, Col. Hughes. 

Second Kentucky, Col. . 

There were in addition to this force a large number of field-bat- 
teries, and three companies that worked the water -batteries, com- 
manded respectively by Captains Ross, Beaumont and Graham. 

The troops were mainly in citizens' clothes, their only military in- 
signia being black stripes on their pants. Many of the officers had the 
regular gray uniform, while others wore the army blue, the only dif- 
ference from the United States style being in the great profusion of 
gold lace. 



84 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT 

In coMversation with many of the officers and men, I learn that a 
majority of the Tennessee regiments enhsted for twelve months, and 
since they have been in service, have not received a cent of pay, 
but have been obliged to defray their own expenses from the begin- 
ning. Their hatred of Pillow and Floyd is bitter, as it is thought that 
these worthies deserted them in a most cowardly manner. The feel- 
ing was so strong against Floyd, that several of the confederate soldiers 
fired at him as he was leaving, and it is asserted by many that he was 
killed. Floyd some time since proved himself a thief, and noAv has 
shown himself, in addition, a coward. 

Last evening and to-day, the troops are being embarked on the 
transports and sent down the river. What disposition will be made of 
them, I do not know. 

The loss of the rebels is not exactly known, but is undoubtedly 
severe. Every house in Dover was filled with dead and wounded; and 
from this and other circumstances it is probably not far from the truth 
to estimate their loss as fully equal to ours, and quite probably greater. 
The rebels, during the three days, succeeded in capturing quite a large 
number of National soldiei-s, in all, probably, from sixty to one hun- 
dred. Wiien Floyd and Pillow left, they took all the prisoners with 
them, and they are now probably caged at Nashville. 



Missouri "Democrat" Narrative' 

Fort Don ELSON, Monday, February IT. 

Wednesday was quietly consumed in moving from Fort Henry, 
and getting into position before the rebels, a mile and a half from the 
Cumberland and the Fort against which we were moving. It was a 
most glorious day. The atmosphere was cool and invigorating, yet 
with a bright sun and genial breeze wafted up from the South, it 
seemed more like a day in May than one still in the winter solstice. 
Its effect upon our ti'oops was excellent. Enthusiastic and eager to 
meet the enemy any time, they left their camps, which manj' of them 
were destined never again to see, with a cheerfulness and buoyancy of 
spirits, which would lead ignorant spectators to suppose that some 
gala-day entertainment was at hand. 

Most of Gen. McClernand's division had crossed the slough of 
despond, which encircles Fort Henry, the afternoon before. Gen. 
Smith's division began their transit across the river at a seasonable 
hour, and by nine o'clock the entire army, about eighteen thousand 
strong, were on the move to the eastward. The character of the 
movement of the armj^ from Foi't Henry will probably be best under- 
stood by the following orders of the night previous." * * * 

The army being well started, Gen. Grant and staff left their head- 
quarters on the steamer Uncle Sam, about ten o'clock, and followed 
rapidly after a division which had taken the ridge or more southerly 

1 From Moore IV— 176. 

2 The order referred to is F. O. 11; it will be found in R.K. 7—605. 



FORT DONELSON 85 

route. The roads, after once getting beyond the low grounds in the 
immediate vicinity of the Fort, were admirable. The sandy soil had 
soon absorbed the great amount of rain which had fallen a few even- 
ings previously, and which had so retarded the advance of our army 
on Fort Henry — and now fairly on the high land, infantry, artillery, 
and cavalry moved forward without delay. 

The route for the most part led along the high land of the ridjjes, 
through a denselj- wooded country, with signs of a human habitation, 
or even of cultivation, but rarely visible. I might here state that all 
of the section between Forts Henry and Donelson is of this character — 
a mere succession of hills and valleys, thickly wooded with oak and 
"second growth", and with here and there a chister of pine groves, 
whose evergreens contrasted prettily with the barren vegetation sur- 
rounding. The ridges vary from one hundred to three hundred feet in 
height. Through most of the valleys are pure streams of water, which, 
as they approach the Tennessee and Cumberland, to which they are 
tributaries, gradually assume, on account of the back-water from 
them, the magnitude of large streams, which in no small degree an- 
noyed our generals in their manoeuvring of their commands. 

We pressed on amid the moving columns which lined the road 
without any incident worthy of special note, until about one o'clock, 
when, emerging from the woods into a little cleared valley, we found 
Gen. McClernand and staff. Several regiments were drawn up in line 
of battle order on our right, and through the valley and up the ridge, 
in front and to the north-east of us, we could see the gleaming of the 
bayonets of Ogiesby's brigade, our advance. 

Receiving information that the enemy had been seen on the ridge 
in front of us, Gen. Grant immediately ordered the hills to be occupied 
by our forces, moving in line of battle order. It was finely executed — 
the men pushing forward with even front through the brush, over 
brooks and fences, until the desired point had been reached. 

In the meantime, while this order was being carried out, sharp 
musketry firing was heard up the hill over which the road led, and oc- 
cupied by Gen. Ogiesby's brigade. It was but brief, however, and upon 
going forward it was ascertained that a small advance force of the 
enemy had been met by the Eighth Illinois, under Lieut.- Col. Frank 
Rhodes, and, after a slight skirmish, driven back with a loss of a few 
killed and wounded on their side, and four wounded of the Eighth, 
who were now being promptly attended to by the surgeons. 

The Eighth, Thirtieth, and Thirty-first Illinois were drawn up on 
the road in line of battle, and in the front Capt. Swartz had got a 
couple of his guns in position, ready for any emergency. Gen. Grant 
here gave orders for a still further advance to the next ridge to the 
north and left of us, and then returned to the further advance of the 
brigades behind. Retrograding to the open field, Gen. Smith was met, 
who stated that his division was close behind, and would soon be up to 
support any advance which might be made. 



86 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT 

After considerable scouring of the woods to tlie north, it was dis- 
covered that what rebels were to be seen were on the road to the front of 
us. Our advance soon after discovered their encampment on a barren 
hillside, directly in front of us, and on the main road leading to the 
Cumberland. A further movement on the part of Gen. Oglesby's divi- 
sion discovered more forces posted on a high ridge leading west of this 
encampment, and as our regiments swept around from their respective 
positions on the road to the right and left, and gradually coming round 
with a face to the north, tliere we were face to face with the enemy. 
This, however, was not discovered instantly. The encampment-of the 
enemy very naturally was the chief point of attraction, and toward it, 
having got his troops in proper position, Gen. Grant first directed his 
attention. 

But few troops were visible about it, and at first it was difficult to 
ascertain where the rebel forces had been distributed. One of the 
twelve-pound rifled James's cannon, of Dupee's battery, was ordered 
to stir them up a little, but although he threw a shell with such ac- 
curacy, not a response could be got, and were it not for indications of 
a large force posted on the ridge to the west of the camp, it would have 
seemed their chivalry liad repeated their Fort Henry achievement, 
and had decamped on our approach. Thus were matters at half-past 
three o'clock p.m., when Oglesby's brigade, which occupied the road 
on the hill, were ordered to advance. They filed down the hill, antici- 
pating an immediate opening of the fight, with a determination and 
confidence most inspiriting. Some were still smoking their pipes with 
easy nonchalance, while all went forward with a spirit and will which 
well foreshadowed the gallant deeds subsequently performed by them. 
The Eighteenth, Eighth and Thirtieth, reaching the bottom of the hill, 
filed out into an open field to the left, and formed in line of battle. 
Other regiments went on the ridge still farther to the west. 

It was not until these movements had all been executed that it 
was at last discovered that we were now directly in the face of a large 
body of the enemy. Then it was ascertained that we were at the rear 
of the Fort outside their redoubt and breastworks, extending on 
either side on the summits of the ridges to the right and left of us. By 
this time the day was nearly at an end Our heavier artillery was not 
yet in position, and the General concluded that it was advisable to make 
no assault on them that night. So, giving orders for placing the ar- 
tillery in proper position, and providing against their retreat, he quietly 
waited the approaching dawn. 

The night was most supremely beautiful, and will probably long 
be remembered by those who survived the terrible scenes subsequently 
enacted amid the wilds of the hills surrounding. Our troops, just now 
arrived in face of the enemy and in range of their batteries, lay on their 
arms with cheerful anticipations of the morrow. The evening air was 
still, mild, and genial, and the bright moon shone forth equally beauti- 
ful over friend and foe. 



FORT DONELSON 87 

Were it not for the oamp fires dimly visible here and there, to the 
rear of either force, and the occasional crack of tlie rifle of some daring 
sharpshooter who had crept up under the intrenchments to get a shot 
at some heedless enemy, there was little to denote to a sti'aiiger, who 
might have accidentally wandered to some of the nt^ighboring ridges, 
that amid the hills and valleys surrounding, were fifty thousand or 
8ixt.v thousand men, only waiting for the coming dawn to begin what 
was destined to prove the bloodiest and most terrible conflict ever 
witnessed on this continent. 

Thursday opened as clear and serene as the day before it. Upon 
the first coming of the dawn our skirmishers had descended into the 
valley, and our artillery, posted on the hills, had opened an experi- 
mental fire, which being occasionally returned by the enemy, gave us 
some information in regard to the position of their batteries. The 
night before we were in possession of but little information in re- 
gard to the character of their fortifications, and although it was 
generally supposed we were in front of some rather formidable 
works, I do not think even our generals were prepared for the dis- 
closures which the operations of the morning had made known 
to them. Instead of an outer work, to temporarily impede our 
approach, it was soon ascertained that we were directly in front of 
the rear of the forbifijation of the Fort itself. These works begin- 
ning on the Cumberland, at tiie southerly side of Dover, and the 
main fort, ran around on the top of the high ridges before us to the 
head of the back-water on the north, here and there with the bastion- 
works of a formidable character, and at all points with formidable 
batteries sweeping the inore available approaches. These ridges vary 
from one hundred and fifty to three hundred feet in height, and are 
covered with the most dense timber and undergrowth, concealing, in 
a great measure, the character of the enemy's defences; the few balls 
which they were induced to occasionally favor us with, afforded, for 
the most part, our only clue as to the calibre of their guns. 

During the night previous, Gen. Oglesby, in advancing along the 
ridge running toward the river above the fi'ort, and which formed our 
right wing, suddenly came upon a battery sweeping the road upon 
which he was advancing. The enemy, either not aware at the time of 
the vicinity of the force, or wishing it to advance still further, re- 
frained from opening, and the General managed to withdraw his men 
without suffering anything worse than a bad scare. If the battery 
had given them the contents of their gnus, the fire must have deci- 
mated the entire brigade. Some few guns were discharged by our 
men in the confusion of the moment, and the horse of a certain chaplain 
became frightened and began a flight which bid fair to land the non- 
combatant plump over the batteries. A few agonizing " Whoas," and 
still more emphatic pulls, howc^ver, checked the rebellious tendencies 
of the beast, and tlie parson, I noticed, eschewed horses ever after. 

This morning. Gen. O.'s brigade forced the enemy from this 
position, and subsequently from another, and advanced the right wing 



88 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT 

still fartlier toward the river. A subsequent movement completed the 
lines of circumvallation nearly to the river itself, and gave us a posi- 
tion rendering the arrival of any more reenforcernents from Nashville 
hardly probable. 

The operations of the day partook largely of a series of recon- 
noissances. The artillery posted on the hill would send a ball across 
the valley on an enquiring errand, and in replj- would get a solid ball 
or shell, which, lodging in close proximity to our artillerists, would be 
hunted up and-examined, and inferences drawn as to the character of 
the batteries pitted against them. This practice resulted in ne cas- 
ualties on our side of importance, and revealed a good deal of informa- 
tion in regard to the position of their redoubts. The severest casualty 
of the morning was in the Seventh Illinois. In advancing down a 
road on a ridge connecting the two hills on which the opposing forces 
were drawn up, a bittery of three guns, from the hill above, opened 
suddeidy with grape and canister. Fortunately the battery had been 
discovered a moment before, and the men had to a great extent 
availed themselves of the protection of the neighboring trees, before 
the storm of iron hail was fairly among them. Your correspondent, 
who was advancing with the rest, has a very friendly recollection of 
a huge oak, but for whose protecting shelter the readers of the Demo- 
crat would probably have suffered the small loss of this imperfect 
narrative of subsequent scenes. Capt. Menkle, and many a brave 
fellow of the Seventh, dropped to the ground beneath this fire; but 
the regiment bravely advanced, scattered the skirmishers of the 
enemy lying in the valley, and maintained the position they were sent 
to occupy. 

In the meantime Birge's sharpshooters were doing good execution 
both to the rii;ht and left of this position. In squads of skirmishers 
they crawed up the ravines of the ridge on which the batteries and 
the rifle-pits of the enemy were located, und lying concealed behind 
stumps and logs, wo to the unwary rebel who dared to show his head 
above the intrenchments. The continual crack of the Dimmick rifle 
could be heard from these ravines all day, and at last became a perfect 
terror to the enemy. Lying in this position these men. for half a day, 
completely silenced the battery which covered the road over which 
the Seventh had advanced in the morning. In vain attempt after 
attempt was made to man the guns, but hardly had the gunners 
grasped their swabs ere a score of bullets would drop them in their 
tracks. The enemy were not without their sharpshooters, too, who 
would in turn attempt a response, but so vigilant were the Birges, that 
but few of their bullets did much harm. I have heard of but eight or 
ten casualties in the entire regiment. 

Thus passed Thursday morning. Gen. McClernand gradually 
closing in toward the river on the right, and Gen. Smith slowly and 
surely completing his line of circumvallation on the left. 

In the afternoon. Gen. McClernand determined to make a for- 
midable assault of a redoubt of the enemy, fronting about the centre 



FORT DONELSON 89 

of his right wing. The redoubt was about the only one which could be 
distinctly seen by us, owin^ to the timber and undergrowth. At this 
point the ground was for the most part void of large timber, the bar- 
ren extending even beyond the road on the ridge over which our troops 
passed. The batteries of this redoubt had got a very perfect range 
here, and gave our troops considei*able uneasiness, by blazing away at 
them whenever they passed over the brow of the hill. Three regi- 
ments were detailed for the work— the Forty-eighth, Seventeenth, 
and Forty-ninth Illinois. They advanced in line i)f battle order, the 
Forty-ninth, Col. Morrison, on the right, the Seventeenth, under 
command of Major Smith, (both Colonel and Lieutenant-Colonel being 
absent,) in the centre, and the Forty-eighth, Col. Hainey, on the left. 
Col. Morrison, as senior Colonel, led the attack. The advance was a 
most beautiful one. With skirmishers advanced in front, the three 
regiments swept down the hill, over a knoll, down a ravine, and up 
th(^ high hill on which the redoubt was situated, some two hundred 
and fifty or three hundred feet in height, covered with brush and 
stumps, all the time receiving a galling fire of grape, shell and mus- 
ketry, with a precision which would have done them credit on the 
parade-ground. The breastworks were nearly reached, when Col. 
Morrison, who was gallantly' leading on his men, was struck by a 
musket-ball. The captain of the company on his right also fell, and 
the Forty -ninth fell into some confusion; but unappalled, the Seven- 
teenth still g illantly pressed forward, and penetrated even to the very 
foot of the works. But it was not in the power of man to scale the 
abattis before them. Brush piled upon brush, with sharp points front- 
ing them everywhere, met them wherever they turned; and so, after 
a few interchanges of musketry with the swarming regiments which 
had been concentrated here, the order for retiring was given. It was 
done in good order, by filing off to the left and obliquing into the 
woods l)elow; but many a gallant soldier was left behind underneath 
the intrenchments they had vainly sought to mount. They were not, 
however, destined to die unavenged. Scarcely had our retiring col- 
umns got out of range, ere Taylor's Chicago battery opened on the 
swarming rebel masses, with shell and shrapnel with fearful effect. 
Every gun was aimed by the Captain himself, and every one of them 
did honor to his marksmanship. 

About the same time that these stirring scenes were being enacted 
on our right wing, the enemy made a formidable sortie on our left. 
The Twenty-fifth Indiana, one of the regiments of Gen. Smith's di- 
vision, having at one time during the course of the day got into an 
exposed position, the enemy promptly availed themselves of the 
opportunity afforded them, and made a most formidable sortie from 
their intrenchments. Although taken at a disadvantage, the Twenty- 
fifth met the advancing forces bravely, and although suffering severely, 
with the aid of other regiments, which promptly proceeded to their 
assistance, drove them bauk to their hiding places. The lesson seemed 
to be most salutary. No further sorties were made in this direction. 



90 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT 

During the day much uneasiness was felt as to tlie whereabouts 
of the gunboat fleet. It was, therefore, with no little gratification 
that information was at hist received, about noon on Thursday, that 
the avant courier of the fleet, the Carondelet, Lieut. Walke, had 
arrived below the Fort. In the afternoon the report of her guns was 
received with cheer upon cheer by the troops encircling the be- 
leaguered Fort. 

Lieut. Walke's operations this afternoon, although partaking 
more of the nature of a reconnoissance, were considered by the rebel 
officers, as I have since ascertained, as one of the most formidable 
attacks they had to encounter. Hidden behind a jutting promontory 
of the river-bank, the Carondelet itself secure from the heavier shots 
of the columbiads of the Fort, hurled shell upon shell into the water- 
batteries of the fortifications. The commander of these batteries has 
recently informed me thai the fire of the Carondelet did more actual 
damage to his guns than the heavy bombardment following the suc- 
ceeding day. 

The night of Tliurday will long be remembered by the troops 
surrounding Donelson. The weather, which for the two previous 
days had been so mild and genial, toward the close of the afternoon 
became chillj- and lowering. About six o'clock a heavy rain set in. 
During the warmth of the day before, when momentarily expecting to 
meet the enemy, whole regiments had cast aside their overcoats and 
blankets, and without tents, and, in the great majority of cases, 
occupying positions rendering a fire a sure mark for the enemy's 
batteries, with nothing to eat but cold rations, their condition was de- 
plorable indeed. 

To add to their discomfort, when thoroughly saturated with 
rain, a pelting snow-storm set in, continuing all night. As can be 
imagined, with an enemy in front, continually annoying and annoyed, 
but little sleep was indulged in. The only demonstration of im- 
poi'tance on the part of the rebels, during the night, w'as a formidable 
attempt on the right wing to obtain Taylor's battery. The Twentieth 
Indiana, lying in the woods below it, however, after a brisk skirmish 
in the midnight darkness, sent the intruders liack to their fortifications 
again. 

The weather of Friday was in striking contrast to that of the 
morning previous. The ground was covered with snow to the depth 
of a couple of inches, and a breeze that would have done honor to the 
Arctic regions, swept across the desolate ridge upon which our army 
was laying. The inhabitants of the country roundabout averred that 
they had rarely experienced so severe a day. Still was our force on 
the outer edge of the formidable works, that, wander where one 
might, he was sure to find rising up before him. The entrance to 
these works was still to be gained— the location even of the door was 
still to be found. 

I must admit, that riding along our lines on Friday again, and 
witnessing the formidable field-works of the enemy, (between five and 



FORT DONELSON 91 

six miles in extent,) which reared themselves evei'y where to the front 
of us, I feai'ed bluit the task of reduciiifi;' them would be at the best a 
matter of considerable time. But, cold and hunj^ry, and with garments 
stiff with frost, the soldiers were still hopeful and firm. I did not find 
a sinf^le discouraged man, or one, if he were so, who would admit it. 
The universal sentiment was. as bluff Col. Oglesby expressed it, " We 
came here to take that fort, and tve will take it," and it is this self- 
same spirit of dogged determination, and steady, long-enduring 
courage, peculiar to the Anglo-Saxon of the North, that at last out- 
wore tlie perhaps more impetuous bravery of the opposing force. 

Nothing of special note transpired alotig the lines on Friday; the 
sharpshooters, notwithstanding the cold, ensconced themselves in their 
old positions on the hillsides, and were as great a terror as ever to the 
gunners of the batteries above them. Cavender, Taylor, Woods, (of 
McAllister's battery,) Dresser, and Swartz would occasionally exchange 
a valentine, as they were playfully called, but there were no such 
bloody affairs as had characterized the operations of the day previous. 
The batteries, too, had got the range of one another's positions so 
accurately, that I imagine both parties had preferred, in absence of any 
positive orders to the contrary, to linger beside the cam}) fire, just out 
of range of the other's guns, tlian to indulge in idle badinage. 

Tiie long-expected gunboat fleet, together with the reenforce- 
ments, had, however, come to hand, and it was expected that the 
latter could be brought up, so as to join with the other forces in a 
general assault in the rear, while the gunboats attacked in front. The 
distancie from the river to the left of our right wing was, however, so 
great that but few regiments arrived even before dark. Gen. Grant's 
judgment, therefore, much against his will, led him to adjourn the 
assault until he had all his available force in proper position. 

The bombardment of the gunboat fleet began about half-past two, 
and continued two hours. Pour of the iron -clad and two of the 
wooden boats participated in the fight, which was of a fearful nature. 
Expecting the assault on the rear of the Fort, I was not present to 
witness the naval attack, and shall not attempt, therefore, to give any 
detailed account of it. It is, however, described by the officers en- 
gaged in it as altog(>thei- exceeding in fierceness the boml)ardment of 
Fort Henry. At all events, the effect upon the boats was much more 
severe, and subsequent investigations have led me to believe that the 
injury inflicted on the rebels was not so great either as at the fortifica- 
tion. This latter is, probably, owing to the fact that the twelve guns 
of the Fort commanding the river were at a considerable elevation, 
and it therefore was much more difficult for the naval gunners to get 
their exact range, or, once obtained, to keep it, while the boats were 
steadily advancing. 

The rebel officers commanding the river batteries also assure me 
that the practice of our gunners in the excitement of the bombardment 
was much inferior to that displayed in the reconnoissance — when 
matters were conducted with more deliberation. But be this as it 



92 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT 

may, it was gallantly conducted, and gallantly fought, and earned for 
Flag-Officer Poote and his gallant corps of officers additional laurels. 
It was not until four of his boats, under the terrific force of the enemy's 
shots, were fairly at the mercy of the current, that the signal for re- 
tirement was given, and that it was reluctantly ordered, and still 
more reluctantly obeyed, who can doubt? In the way of a test of the 
resisting powers of the iron -clad boats, the affair was, however, a 
great triumph. Although under a perfect shower of iron pellets, from 
the mammoth one hundred and twenty-eight-pound to the rifled 
thirty-two-pound shot, and each boat hit from twenty to fifty times, 
the mortality was comparatively slight. It is probable, too, that the 
boats might undergo a score of as severe ordeals without being in- 
capacitated to the extent they were. The balls which demolished 
pilot-houses and cut rudder -chains can only be regarded as chance 
shots, which in a dozen or more contests would never happen to fall 
in the particular place which in this instance proved so disastrous. 

Saturday, whicli was destined to witness the grand denouement 
of the tragedies which had a scene about Donelson,'was cold, damp, 
and cheerless. Our troops, however, had but little time to cogitate 
upon the weather, or any other subject, ere they were called upon to 
attend to more serious matters. The enemy, during the night, had 
transferred several of their batteries to portions of their works within 
a few hundred feet of which our extreme right wing was resting. Up- 
on the firstcoming of dawn these batteries suddenly opened on the 
Ninth, Eighteenth, Twenty-ninth, Thirtieth, and Thirty-first regi 
ments, comprising Oglesby's brigade, and who had the advance. Sim- 
ultaneously with the opening of the batteries, a force of about twelve 
thousand infantry and a regiment of cavalry was hurled against the 
brigade with a vigor which, made against less steady and well-dis- 
ciplined troops, must surely have resulted in their entire demolition. 

Sudden and unexpected as was the sally on the part of the enemy, 
it did not find the gallant Illinoisians unprepared to meet them. The 
attack was made in columns of regiments which poured in upon the lit- 
tle band from no less than tliree different directions. Every regiment 
of the brigade found itself opposed to three, and in many cases to no 
less than four different regiments. Undismayed, however, by the 
greatly superior force of the enemy, and unsupported b}' adequate ar- 
tillery, the brigade not only held their own, but upon two occasions 
actually drove the rebels fairly into their intrenchments, but only to 
be pressed back again into their former position, until at last, having 
expended every round of their ammunition, they were obliged to re- 
tire and give way to the advancing regiments of Colonel W. H. L. 
Wallace's brigade of the Eleventh, Twentieth, Seventeeth, Forty-fifth, 
Forty-eighth Illinois, and Forty-ninth Indiana regiments. 

Here again was the battle continued with redoubled vigor, now 
one side and now another giving away. Our troops fought with the 
coolness of veterans and the desperation of devils. I would not di- 
minish the gallantry of our own troops by saying that the enemy did 



FORT DONELSON 93 

not fight bravely and well. They did both. An exact statement of 
the varying fortunes of the field for the three or four hours following 
the first attack, it is iniposssible at present to definitely present. Suf- 
fice it to say, our troops /ott (//if, and not only fought, arid fought cour- 
ageously, but fought cooly and scientifically. In the thickest of the 
fight, where officers had to remove the dead bodies of their men out 
of the way of the backward wheels, regiments cooly performed ma- 
noeuvres which Scott in his Tactics pronounces impossible to be made 
on the battle-field. 

The battle, for the most part, was fought in a forest with a thick 
undergrowth beneath, and regiments acted mostly on the principle of 
hitting a head wherever it could be found. Swarming on all sides of 
them, they were not at a loss to find thetn. One regiment was only 
driven from before them when another sprung up to take its place, 
and there is hardly a regiment of the force engaged but was opposed 
to triple its numbers. Thus went the tide of battle for five hours— now 
gaining a little, but upon the whole obliged to retire. Officers and men 
dropped upon all sides. Field-officers were borne killed and wounded 
from the field, and their next. in command coolly took their place and 
continued the fight. Lieut.- Col. White, of the Thirty-first, Lieut. - 
Col. Smith, of the Forty-eighth, Lieut.- Col. Irvin, of the Twentieth, 
and Major Post, of the Eighth Illinois, and scores of company officers 
were all killed, gallantly leading on their men. 

Cols. Logan, Lawler, and Ransom were wounded, but yet firm in 
their determination never to yield. 

And still with unyielding courage the gallant Illinoisians and 
Indianians would not acknowledge themselves vanquished. When the 
last cartridge had been expended, and orders were given to retire, for 
other regiments to take their place, soldiers, grim with smoke and 
powder, would angrily inquire for what, and beg to be allowed to use 
the bayonet. But it was not in the power of mortal men, occupying 
the position ours did, and exposed to such a raking artillery fire as the 
enemy subjected them to, to maintain their ground against the over- 
whelming force which the rebels continued to push against them. 

Ogleby's, W. H. L. Wallace's and McArthur's brigades were suc- 
cessively obliged to I'etire; a portion of Swartz's and McAllister's bat- 
teries had been lost and gained, and lost again, and it was not until the 
advancing enemy had reached Craft's brigade, and Taylor's and Wil- 
lard's batteries could be brought into action, that we were able to 
stem the tide. These two batteries outdid themselves. Grape, canis- 
ter and shrapnel, and an uninterrupted musketry fire from the First 
Nebraska, Forty-eighth and Fifty-eighth Ohio, proved too much for 
the so far victorious foe, and they at last were obliged to retire. 

By this time it was noon. Gen. Grant had just returned from the 
landing, where he had a conference with Commodore Foote. That 
ofiicer had informed the (General that it was impossible for him to put 
his gunboats in a condition to make another attack, for several days 
at least. Notwithstanding this, upon being informed of the severe re- 



94 MISSOURI DEMOCRAT 

pulse our troops had met with in the morning, he saw that some im- 
mediate action on our part was necessary to retrieve the day. 

He immediately gave order to his generals of divisions to prepare 
for an immediate and general attack along the entire lines. The regi- 
ments which had suffered most severely in the morning were with- 
drawn. Gen. Lew Wallace was given a division composed of two regi- 
ments of his own brigade, (the Eighth Missouri and Eleventh Indi- 
ana,) and several other regiments whose loss in the action of the morn- 
ing had been but slight, and was given the job of clearing the ground 
we had lost in the morning, while Gen. Smith, commanding the left, 
received orders to storm the works vmder which his division was 
lying. 

Gen. Smith is, emphatically, a fighting man. and as maybe imag- 
ined, the events of the morning had tended to decrease in no measure 
his pugnacity. When he received his long-desired orders for an as- 
sault of the enemy's works, his eyes glistened with a fire which, could 
it have been seen b3' his maligners, would have left them in no doubt 
as to his private feelings in regard to the present contest. All the ar- 
rangements were complete by three o'clock, and his column was put 
in motion soon after. The force under his command was as follows: 

Col. Cook's brigade Seventh Illinois, Fiftieth Illinois, Twelfth 
Iowa, Thirteenth Missouri, Fifty-second Indiana. 

Col. Lauman's brigade — Second Iowa, Seventh Iowa, Fourteenth 
Iowa, Twenty-fifth Indiana, Fifty-sixth Indiana. 

Under cover of Capt. Stone's Missouri battery, this force began 
the assault. It was a formidable undertaking, which, under a less 
brave and skillful commander than Gen. Smith, might have proved a 
disastrous failure. 

The hills at this point are among the most precipitous of those 
upon which the enemy were posted. Selecting the Second and Sev- 
enth Iowa, and the Fifty-second Indiana for the storming party. Gen. 
Smith deflected the main portion of his division to the right, and hav- 
ing succeeded in engaging the attention of the enemy at this point, 
himself headed the storming party and advanced upon the works from 
his extreme left. It was a most magnificent sight. Unappalled by 
the perfect storm of bullets which rained about him, the General on 
horseback, and with his hat on the point of his sword, preceded his 
troops, and inspired them with a, furore there was no withstanding. 

Steadily, with unbroken line, the gallant Hawkeyes and Indiani- 
ans advanced. The enemy's grape and canister came ploughing 
through their ranks, but not a shot was fired in return. Closing up the 
ranks as one after another of the brave fellows dropped to the earth, 
and animated by the fearless example of their undaunted leader, they 
pressed steadily on. The works gained, one tremendous volley was 
poured into the astonished enemy, and, with fixed bayonets, a charge 
was made into their ranks which there was no withstanding. They 
fled in confusion over the hills, and at last we had penetrated the 
rebel Sebastopol, and the misfortunes of the morning were retrieved. 



FORT DONELSON 95 

Capt. Stone's battery, which, in the mean time, had been doing tre- 
mendous execution in the rebel ranks, was promptly advanced to the 
position gained, and instantly, supported by the remainder of his di- 
vision, the point was secured against any force the enemy could bring 
to bear against it. 

In the mean time, Gen. Lew. Wallace had completed his prepara- 
tions for an attack on the enemy occupying the position he had wrested 
from us in the morning, some two miles and a half to the right. Just 
as his column was being put in motion, a messenger arrived with the 
joyful tidings that Smith was inside of the intrenchments. 

With a cheer that resounded far and near, the irresistible Eighth 
Missouri and Eleventh Indiana, which occupied the front, advanced on 
the double-quick into the encounter they had so long been seeking. 
These two regiments, from their superiority in drill and fighting ca- 
pacities, have been considered a "crack corps", and most nobly did 
they uphold to the letter their enviable reputation. 

They did not tarry long to bother with powder and ball, but with a 
shout of itself terrific enough to appal their foes, gave them the cold 
steel with a will which will long be remembered. Shell and round shot, 
grape and canister were hurled at them in vain Still onward they 
pressed, and regiment after regiment fled before them. Valiantly sup- 
ported by the First Nebraska, Thirteenth Missouri, and other regiments 
of Colonel Thayer's and Crafts' brigades, a steady advance was made, 
until by dusk the ground which had been so hotly contested in the 
morning, was ours again, and once more the rebels were forced to seek 
the protecting shadow of the earthworks. 

The effect of these successes upon the army was electrical — six 
hours before, with gunboats disabled, and the enemy in possession of 
a portion of our ground, the position of affairs was gloomy, indeed. 
But now all was changed. Elated with victory, and the knowledge 
that at last they had obtained a foothold in the enemy's fortification, 
and savage at the thought of the privations they had encountered, and 
at being so long balked in the possession of their prey, oflficers and 
men alike clamored for an immediate assault that night. 

Gen. Grant, however, mindful of the risks attending such an 
operation, even with troops exhibiting such veteran characteristics as 
those under his command had displayed, wisely postponed the final 
coup de main till the coming of the morrow's light. 

What the morrow brought forth, and how the rebels, worn out 
and dispirited by the protracted beleaguerment, concluded to give up 
their stronghold and lay down their arms, is already well known. The 
more detailed particulars of the surrender of Fort Donelson, and its 
cordon of field-works, the departing mail allows me no time to 
speak of. G. W. B. 



96 

Charleston Courier Narrative^ 

^'■Personne^^,'- the correspondent of the Charleston Courier, writes 
from Augusta, Ga., under date of February twenty-first, as follows: 

It has been my good fortune to enjoy an interview with Lieut. F. 
H. Duquecron, one of the officers engaged in the recent battle of Fort 
Donelson, who has arrived here disabled by a wound in the leg, re- 
ceived during that terrible contest. From one fragmentary conversa- 
tion I have woven the following interesting narrative of events 
preceding, but not including, the surrender of the confederate -army. 
Though incomplete, the fact that it is the first connected account yet 
given to the public, of the scenes which have so stirred the Southern 
heart for the last ten days, and that the participant was a Charlestonian 
by birth, must render the history peculiarly welcome to every reader 
of the Courier. 

Lieut. Duquecron is an officer of the Fourteenth Mississippi regi- 
ment, Col. Baldwin, and his statement, therefore, embraces only the 
incidents which came under his observation, with reference to his 
regiment. 

Previous to the month of February, the Mississippians had been 
stationed at Bowling Green. Affairs at Forts Henry and Donelson, 
however, being in a precarious condition, and the certainty of a Fed- 
eral advance having been ascertained, the regiment was ordered to 
the latter point, to support the troops already concentrated around the 
Fort. Here they arrived on Sunday morning, the ninth of February, 
and landed at a little place called Dover, about a mile and a half from • 
our stronghold, on the river. It was reported then that the enemy 
were in sight, and a line of battle was immediately formed, in antici- 
pation of an attack. The day passed away, however, without any 
other demonstration than an occasional encounter between the pickets. 
Monday went by in the same way. Tuesday, a regiment or battaUon 
of cavalry, (I could not learn which,) called the "Forrest Rangers", un- 
der command of Col. Forrest, of Mississippi, was sent out as a scouting 
party, met the enemy in considerable force, and engaged them in a 
severe skirmish, but with what loss is not known. On Monday night 
the Federal camp-fires were plainly discernible; large bodies of troops 
could be seen in motion, and scouts reported the enemy to be concen- 
trating in great numbers, and extending their lines in front. 

I may briefly interrupt the narrative here to say that Fort Donel- 
son is located on the bank of the Cumberland River, but of the char- 
acter or strength of the work my informant knows nothing beyond 
the fact that it was under the command of Gen. Pillow. The surround- 
ing country is a succession of hills, sometimes heavily timbered, but 
for the most part covered with thick undergrowth and small woods. 
This had been cut down by both armies, to allow full scope for the 
play of their artillery, and, whether so intended or not, subsequently 
seriously obstructed the movements of the troops. In front of the 

1 From Moore IV— 182. 2 The pen-name of Felix J. Fontaine. 



PORT DONELSON 97 

Fort, at a distance of half a mile, more or less, the confederates had 
thrown up a long line of intrenchmenta, the Federals being likewise 
protected behind defences of a similar character. 

Wednesday morning found both armies prepared for serious work. 
At daylight our artillery opened a heavy fire, and from this time until 
nightfall, the cannon from the Fort, and the rifles of the sharpshooters, 
played incessantly between the yet couchant armies. For either party 
on the outposts, it was certain death for a man to show his head. A 
picked regiment from Illinois, nine hundred strong, acting as skir- 
mishers and sharpshooters, fired with deadly aim at every living object 
exposed, while the keen eyes that flashed along the rifle-barrels of 
Tennessee and Kentucky, allowed no Federal invader to escape the 
well-directed bullets which flew from them. Still the casualties were 
few. 

Whether the gunboats commenced their attack upon the Fort 
this day, my informant does not know, but his impression is, that 
they did. 

Thursday witnessed a repetition of the events of Wednesday, 
varied perhaps with the exchange of a few volleys from the infantry 
behind the intrenchments. The shot and shell of the Federals made 
sad rents in our ranks, and in return they received a compound interest 
of destruction. Great numbers were killed and wounded, the latter, 
on our side, being sent to the little town of Dover mentioned above, 
from whence they were removed to other and safer localities. 

Friday was another warm day, the enemy's assaults being fierce 
and more vigorous than before. The cannonading was terrible; the 
rain of shot and shell incessant. The air was filled with flying missiles, 
and the rattle of musketry now sounded ominously along the entire 
line, not continuous, but at intervals, as occasion made necessary. 
The gunboats, said to be seven in number, again opened fire, and, in 
the language of the narrator, "blazed away as if they would tear 
everything loose". During the day a desperate charge was made by 
two Illinois regiments upon the Second Kentucky and the Tenth Ten- 
nessee, but with equal desperation they were met by the brave con- 
federates, who poured volley after volley into their ranks, and drove 
them back to their intrenchments with almost sickening slaughter. 
This seemingly satisfied the enemy of the impracticability of making 
a breach anywhere in our lines, and for that day at least no other at- 
tempt of the kind was made. 

Saturday, however, was a glorious day; glorious for the indomi- 
table daring and perseverence displayed by our troops, and glorious 
in its results. 

There was our little army of eighteen thousand, composed of the 
men of Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, Texas, Mississippi and Ala- 
bama, confronted by an army of at least fifty thousand of the best 
fighting stock of the North and West, well drilled, well armed, well 
fed, and well officered. What a spectacle must have been presented 
when that mere handful, as it were, stood face to face with an enemy 



98 CHARLESTON COURIER 

three times their number, and yet faltered not in the determination to 
"do or die" for the cause in which they were eiilisted. How great, too, 
must have been their moral as well as physical heroism when the order 
to "charge" ran through their lines, and they dashed into legions, 
whose ample proportions seemed capable of overwhelming and crush- 
ing them out of existence. 

Our troops were under the command of Floyd, Buckner, B. R. 
Johnson and Pillow. Aligned behind their entrenchments, three 
o'clock on the morning of Saturday found them resting on their arms, 
awaiting the decisive movements which were to determine the "fate of 
the day. The snow lay upon the ground to the depth of three inches 
— soon to be the pall of the bi'idegroom death to many a brave fellow — 
and a cold, blinding sleet came slanting down like a shower of lances. 
At early dawn the firing commenced, as usual, with the artillery. 
Portress and battery responded to each other with fearful vindictive- 
ness, and every man felt fi'om that hour that the time had arrived 
when the mettle of the respective antagonists was to be put to a final 
test. Time progressed. It became a military emergency that the 
right wing of the Federals should be turned. They were thirty-five 
thoiasand strong, and posted on the surrounding hills, under Gen. 
Grant. This movement took place in the morning. Artillery, cavalry 
and infantry, under command of Gens. Pillow, Floyd, and Buckner, 
in battle array, passed out of the intrenchments, and the struggle 
commenced. The onset was terrible. Our left wing, numbering not 
more than eight or ten thousand, fouglit as if they were irresistible, 
and the Federals everywhere gave back before their impetuous ad- 
vance. Charges were made upon the enemy's intrenchments at 
various points, and in every instance they were driven in confusion 
from the works. Four of the Federal batteries, several hundred 
stand of arms, and three hundred prisoners, were captured. The 
latter are still in our possession, and by this time are probably in a 
confederate prison. 

The charge which resulted thus successfully took place between 
twelve and one o'clock in the day, the principal regiments engaged in 
it being Floyd's brigade and several from Mississippi and Tennessee. * 

It was in one of these charges that Lieut. Duquecron received 
his wound, and from that time he is consequently unable to state any- 
thing of " his own personal knowledge." From others he afterwards 
learned that later in the day — towards evening — the Federals receiving, 
according to their own account, a reenforcement of nearly thirty thou- 
sand men, made an attack upon our right wing, and were again repulsed 
with tremendous slaughter, both of our own and their troops. 
Subsequently, while lying in a temporary hospital, he was informed 
that as the enemy were hourly increasing in numbers, the probability 
was that the Fort would have to be abandoned or surrendered. 

Of the circumstances of the surrender on Sunday morning he 
knows nothing beyond the fact that the enemy's army completely 

1 Cf. Report Maj. Doss, R. R. 7—344. 



FORT DONELSON 99 

suri'ounded our own in the shape of a crescent, whose either end 
rested on Cumberland River, to the right and left of Fort Donelson. 
Through this line a part of our troops may have cut their way to 
Nashville or elsewhere, but his impression is, that a considerable 
number of those who made their escape did so by means of boats 
with which they crossed the Cumberland from Dover and other points 
in the rear of our position. 

During Saturday no attack was made by the gunboats, several of 
them having been seriously crippled and Commander Foote being 
wounded. 

During the entire engagements of the three days, Generals Floyd, 
Pillow, and Buckner behaved with a gallantry which excited the 
admiring cheers of their entire command. They were constantly 
among the brave men who were falling by scores, encouraging them 
by their eloquence and example. As the Fourteenth Mississippi 
advanced to make a charge, Gen. Floyd rode up, and raising himself 
in his stirrups, his words were: "Be steady, boys, and aim low." 
Col. Baldwin, commanding the regiment, was detached for the time 
being, and acted as a Brigadier-General in another part of the field, 
his place being supplied by Major Doss, of the Choctaw Agency. 

Lieut. D. says that the enemy fought nobly. Those who were 
taken prisoners were from Minnesota, Illinois, Ohio and Indiana. 

As in other engagements during the war, it was found necessary 
to adopt some mark by which friend could be recognized from foe, 
and that adopted was a white band on the arm. The flag carried for 
the same purpose had a blue ground with a white globe in the centre 
This and the confederate flag were always borne together. 

The appearance of the field, and the hospitals during and after 
the fight, is represented to have been horrible. On the first, the dead 
lay on every side. Wherever the eye rested, there was a gory corpse. 
They could be counted not by scores but by hundreds. Subsequent 
reports bring us intelligence that at least four thousand of the Federals 
and fifteen hundred confederates were killed and wounded. 

The latter were carried to Nashville as rapidly as steamboats from 
Dover could convey them; no less than four boat-loads starting at 
nearly the same time. The attention paid to their wants, however) 
was excellent. There were plenty, both of physicians and refreshments* 

I have endeavored to learn the names of some of the killed and 
wounded, but the following is the fullest list I can yet make out. 

KILLED 

Lieut.-Col. Clough, of Texas; Lieut. -Col. Robb, of Clarksville; 
Capt. May, of Memphis; Capt. Porter, of Nashville. 

FOURTEENTH MISSISSIPPI KEGIMENT 

Judge Rogers, Monroe County, Mississippi; Sergeant John Clark, 
R. M. Bell, J. Q. Wall, George James. 



100 CHARLESTON COURIER 

WOUNDED 

Major Hewitt, Second Kentucky regiment, (since reported dead); 
Capt. Many, of Nashville; Capt. Crigier, Fourteenth Mississippi; Capt. 
Gholson, Fourteenth Mississippi; Lieut. Duquecron, Fourteenth Mis- 
sissippi. 

Company C, to which the latter gentleman belonged, had seven- 
teen killed and wounded. 

Col. Baldwin, of the same regiment, had his horse shot under him. 

We had four light field -batteries in the figlit, namely, those of 
Captains Porter, Graves, Jackson, (a Virginia battery,) and ano"ther, 
name unknown. 

It is the opinion of Lieut. D. that ten thousand troops were not 
taken prisoners. First, tlie character of tlie men does not admit of the 
supposition; and second, tlie avenues of escape were such that thou- 
sands must have got away, though in a disorganized condition. Some 
of them could have crossed the Cumberland, and others have stolen 
through the Federal lines. It was the general belief at Nashville, that 
fully five thousand of Gen. Floyd's division were safe. What became 
of the cavalry, of which there were several splendid regiments, is not 
known; but throughout the day they fought nobly, and are reported 
to have done great execution in several charges. 

The opinion prevalent in the army of the West is, that if the 
troops retired from Bowling Green could have concentrated at Donel- 
son, or a reenforcement of ten tliousand fresh men been added to the 
exhausted army at noon on Saturday, despite the fact that seventy- 
five or eighty thousand Federals were opposed to us, we should have 
put them to utter rout. It is much easier, however, to criticise a battle 
after it is over than before — especially if one has not been there. 

Lieut. Duquecron left Fort Donelson on Saturday night on a 
steamboat in company with the prisoners, and arrived at Nashville 
Monday morning about eight o'clock. At that time the city was in a 
ferment, and apparently all the enemy had to do was to step down and 
ask permission to come in to have the request granted. He intimates 
that a strong Union feeling exists there, and in proof of the state- 
ment quotes the assertions of Gen. McClernand that he was daily in 
receipt of information from the city concerning the strength and dis- 
position of our forces. Dui'ing the panic which followed the battle, the 
streets were thronged with people in the greatest state of excitement. 
The government stores were thrown open to the poor, or anybody 
who chose to avail themselves of the privilege of taking away all they 
could carry. 

Barrels of meat and barrels of fiour were also thrown into the 
river, while enough soldiers and idle men were in the city to have 
made a long and not ineffective stand against any force brought against 
it. The armory at Nashville has been moved to Atlanta, together with 
much valuable machinery. When Lieut. D. arrived in the city, he 
was told that it had been surrendered at three o'clock on Sunday after- 
noon, and from this false statement probably originated the absurd 



FORT DONELSON 101 

reports that have since gone the length and breadth of the Southern 
Confederacy. 

Certain it is, that up to Wednesday night, Nashville had not 
fallen into the hands of the enemy, though it was likely to do so in a 
few hours. Gen. Johnston having indicated his inability to defend the 
place effectively. 

Our army has fallen back upon Murfreesboro', upon the line of 
the Chattanooga and Nashville Railroad, thirty miles from the latter 
city, where it is supposed another stand will be made. 

So much for the battle of Fort Donelson, and the much -vexed 
question — "Has Nashville fallen?" 

Incomplete as the above account necessarily is, from the limited 
opportunity afforded the narrator for seeing the general movements 
upon an extended battlefield, it will not be devoid of interest, and may 
possibly shed fresh light upon the sad reverse we have experienced. 



Richmond Dispatch' 

THE FALL OF FORT DONELSON 

After three days of the most desperate fighting ever witnessed 
on this continent, (so declares a veteran regular officer,) the most des- 
perate fighting against the most tremendous odds, in which day after 
day the multitudinous host of invaders was driven back past thtirown 
camp, our glorious Spartan band from sheer exhaustion has been borne 
down by a new avalanche of reenforcements piled upon the already 
enormous weight against which they have hitherto struggled with 
complete success, and has suffered one of those misfortunes which are 
common to war, but which entail no dishonor on our cause, and which 
will only animate to the most stern and undying resistance every true 
Southern heart. If these bloody barbarians, whose hands are now 
soaked to the elbows in the life-blood of men defending their own 
homes and firesides, dream that they are now one inch nearer the sub- 
jugation of the South than when they started on their infernal mission, 
they prove themselves to be fools and madmen as well as savages and 
murderers. They have taught us a lesson, we admit; they have ad- 
monished us to be more wary and circumspect, to husband with greater 
care our limited resources, and not to underrate our enemy. But they 
have also placed between them and us a gulf that can never be crossed 
by their arts and arms, and a universal determination to die, if die we 
must, for our country, but never permit her to be subjugated by 
the most malignant, the most murderous, the meanest of mankind, 
whose name is at this very moment such a by-word of scorn and re- 
proach throughout Europe, for their combined cruelty and cowardice, 
that their own ambassadors cannot stand the storm of the world's 
contempt, and are all anxious to fly back to the United States. Their 
success at Fort Donelson, gained only by vast superiority of numbers, 
will only have the effect of converting the whole population of the 

1 From Moore IV, 187. 



102 RICHMOND DISPATCH 

South—men, women, and children — into an immense army, who will re- 
sist them at every step, and everywhere "welcome them with bloody 
hands to hospitable graves.'' The glorious valor of our troops at Fort 
Donelbon is not dimmed in the slightest degree by their inability to 
hold their ground against overwhelming odds ; but, on the contrary, 
shines through the black clouds of disaster with a radiance which will 
kindle the whole South into a blaze, and surround their own names 
with a halo of imperishable renown. 

The Nashville Patriot i 

List op Confederate Losses at Fort Donelson (Corrected Copy) 

Regt. Colonel Acting Com. No. Eng. Kill. Wo'd. 

48th Tenn. . Voorhies 230 1 

42d do. ..Quarles ...:... 498 11 

53d do. Abernethy 280 6 12 

49th do. ..Bailey 300 4 13 

30th do. . . Head 654 11 30 

18th do. ..Palmer 615 4 40 

lOth do. ..Heiman 750 1 5 

26th do. ..Lillards 400 11 85 

41st do. . .Farquaharson. . 450 2 6 

32d do. ..Cooke 558 3 35 

3d do. ..Brown 650 12 75 

51st do. ..Clark 80 

60th do. Sugg .... 650 2 4 

2d Ky. ..Danson .... 618 13 57 

8th do. ..Burnett Lt. -Col. Lyon 300 19 60 

7th Texas . . Gregg 300 20 30 

15th Ark. . Gee 270 7 17 

27th Ala ..Hughes *. 216 1 

1st Miss. ..Simonton .... Lt.-CoL Hamilton . 280 17 76 

3d do. ..Davidson Lt -Col. Wells 500 5 19 

4th do. ..Drake 535 8 38 

14th do. . . Baldwin. Major Doss 475 17 84 

20th do. . . Russell Major Brown 562 19 59 

26th do. Reynolds . . . Lt.-Col. Boon . . . 434 12 71 

50th Virg. Major Thornburgh. 400 8 68 

51st do. . Wharton 275 5 45 

56th do. ..Stewart 350 

36th do. . . McCaushn 250 loss not known, 

but severe 

Tenn. Battalion Major Colms 270 

do. do Major Gowan . 60 3 3 

do. do. Cavalry Gantt 227 1 

do. do. do Capt. Milton 15 

do. do. do Forrest 600 8 15 

Artillery Murray's 80 2 

do Porter 113 9 

do Graves . . 50 4 

do Maney 100 5 9 

do Jackson 34 

do Guy 58 

do Ross 166 2 2 

do Green 76 1 

Total ..13,829 231 1,007 

1 From Moore IV— 187. 



REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 



History of the Seventh IlHnois Infantry. 

By D. Lbib Ambrose » 

Monday Morning, February 3d, 1862.— The regiment takes passage 
on board the steamer City of Memphis, for parts unknown. Being 
nearly all day loading the camp and garrison equipage, the steamer 
does not move until 5 o'clock, p. m. 

We now steer up the Ohio river; pass Paducah at midnight. The 
fourth dawns beautifully, finding us moving up the Tennessee river. 
Rumor has it that Fort Henry is our destination. The drums are now 
beating, colors flying and hearts beating high, for the face of the 
Seventh is Dixieward. The gun boats are leading the way, and five 
steamers follow in the wake of the Memphis. 'Tis evening now. We 
see in the dim distance Fort Henry's walls and the flaunting stars and 
bars. We disembark four miles from the Fort and go into camp on 
the bank of the river. Some one remarks that there is mud here, and 
so say we, and the most terrible mud. As the soldiers move through 
the camp this evening, their cry is: "No bottom!" 

Wednesday, 5th — This morning a fog hangs over the surrounding- 
hills. About ten thousand troops are concentrated here. The gun- 
boats are anchored in the river, waiting for the land forces. A large 
number of troops are landing on the other side of the river. Every- 
thing this evening looks warlike. 

Thursday, 6th.— It is raining this morning; has been all night. 
There may be poetry in war, but there is no poetry in Camp Halleck 
(the name given to this camp by general orders). Mud predominates 
and the camp fires burn dimly. Soon the rain ceases and the clouds 
vanish; the sky becomes clear, and the sun sheds forth refreshing 
light, which is very welcome to the wet Seventh. But ere it is noon 
we have marching orders. The gun-boats, terrible looking monsters, 

1 Published by the Illinois Journal Company, Springfield, 1868. The Author 
states m the Introduction: 

"Histories of wars are seldom written by eye witnesses of the scenes which they 
attempt to depict and the events which they pretend to describe; but are generally 
made up from the statements of those who wish to gain notoriety, and are embellished 
by the aid of the writer's imagination. * * * 

"It is our design in giving a history of the Seventh Illinois Volunteer Infantry 
to give a complete and accurate history of every man who had the honor of a member- 
ship in it, without favor or partiality. And in so doing, we have called to our assist- 
ance the different officers who commanded the regiment, who happened to have in 
their possession material points of histoiy which we were not able to obtain. * * * 

"We now throw ourself upon the generosity of the public, disclaiming any 
pretensions to literary merit, hoping that we will be dealt with gently." 103 



104 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

are now steaming up towards Fort Henry. The army is put in motion. 
We look away ; and around the hills and up the ravines we see the 
beautiful starry banners flying. It is our fate to be one of the rear 
regiments, and while waiting for the assembly to beat, the regiment 
ascends a bill close by, from where we first behold a rebel camp. We 
see the ensign of treason floating defiantly over the Fort. Mad, mad, 
men! that they would thus insult the mother that gave them birth. 
But ah! they are now being circumvented. The gunboats still keep 
steaming up towards the Fort. We predict that ere the Gun sinks to 
rest, that banner, the representative of a wicked people, will be struck 
down, and that upon her staff the old Union's flag will flutter in the 
wind, and cast around Fort Henry her flashing light. Up a winding 
ravine we pass, over the hills we climb. The troops are aiming to get 
to the rear of the Fort, ere the bombardment commences. The roads 
are cut up terribly. The artillery mires down upon the hills; the 
Seventh lifts them out. We are now away on the Tennessee bluffs. 
Looking up the river we see a smoke; we hear a sullen roar. What 
means it all? It is a smoke and a roar from the gun -boat Essex. The 
ball is now open. In quick succession the mad machines of war give 
vent to their death dealing elements. The troops seem eager for the 
fray, but it is evident the way the artillery is miring down, that it will 
only be a naval battle. Shot and shell, like living monsters, are now 
flying over and into Fort Henry. Moving on, the imposing scene is 
lost to our view; but like the rumble and roar of distant thunder, the 
echoes roll over the bluffs and cliffs of the Tennessee. All day we 
keep winding around through the woods, seeking to get to the rear of 
the Fort. Towards evening a messenger comes riding back and his 
voice rings out, "Fort Henry's flag is down and the rebels are flying." 
It being impossible for the advanced troops to get to the rear in time 
to cut oflf the retreat, they now move up and take possession of the 
works. We go into camp in the woods one mile fi'om the rebel works. 
Having been ordered to leave our knapsacks with the wagons this 
morning, we have in consequence no blankets nor overcoats to-night. 
It is cold. The soldiers are suffering; a bleak winter wind is blowing 
around them, but a rebel flag went down to-day, and the soldiers' 
hearts are glad, glad because in its stead floats the old Union's loved 
banner. ' 

Friday, 7tli. — This morning the soldiers stand in groups, shivering 
around the camp fires. A chilling north wind whistles fiercely through 
these forests of pine. Last night an accident happened Company I, 
by the falling of part of a tree, wounding Captain Mendell, First 
Sergeant John l*]. Sullivan, and Sergeant Luke Norton. The latter's 
arm was broken; the Captain is hurt very badly, but we hope not 
seriously, for we will need the Captain in the coming battles. We 
move camp to-day inside the fortifications. Loud huzzas rend the air 
as the soldiei-s behold the old flag waving over the Fort. Our quarters 
to-night are close by the Fort in rebel barracks. We now have our 

1 Cf. F. O. 1, B. R. 7—125 and Report Cook,— 219. 



SEVENTH ILLINOIS INFANTRY 105 

blankets and overcoats. The cold winds do not reach us; we are com- 
fortable and happy. 

Saturday, 8th. This morning we are still at the Fort. This place 
looks as though it had passed through a terrible storm. We will now 
take a stroll over the works. They have been furrowed by sweeping 
shell. Dark and wild must have been the storm around here, ere the 
flag was lowered. It seems as though nothing of human construction 
could have survived it. Thirty remained at the guns. We walk a 
little farther, and oh! what a spectral sight! What a mangled mass, 
what a dark picture! They are fallen rebel soldiers. The thirty who 
remained in the Fort and worked the guns in those hours of darkness, 
have been excavated from the rubbish. It is sad to think how they 
fell; how they died fighting against the old flag— against the country 
which fostered their fatiiers and them in the lap of human freedom. 
I will turn from this scene; it is too heart rending. I will wend my 
way to the bivouac fires. This evening the few captives of Fort Henry 
are forwarded to Cairo. Among the number are General Tilghman and 
his Assistant Adjutant General. 

Sunday, 9th. This morning troops are landing. Everywhere 
around Fort Henry, inside and outside the fortifications, the camp fires 
are burning. About twenty thousand troops throng the woods. General 
Grant is evidently preparing for some great work. 

Monday and Tuesday, 10th and 11th. — Troops are landing all the 
while, from Illinois, Indiana and Ohio. The great northwest seem to 
be flocking in. The Seventh move their camp back in the woods and 
pitch their tents on high ground. We are more comfortable now; not 
so much crowded. We are out where the free winds blow. It is ru- 
mored that General Grant designs moving upon the rebels in their 
stronghold at Fort Donelson. We may advance soon. Ere another 
sun shall have been far on its journey, the army perhaps will be 
tramping, and while it is drifting on its path, may the God of heaven 
who smiled upon Europe's great battle fields, smile upon the army of 
the Republic as she flings her banners to the wind and battles for the 
world's last hope, for liberty, fidelity, and truth. 

Wednesday Morning, 12th. — There is a clear blue sky overhead. 
Aids and orderlies are moving hither and thither; drums are beating 
and bugles are blowing as 'f to say, "Up boys and be ready, for Grant 
is on his restless steed.'' The army is soon in motion; the banners are 
fluttering, and pennons flying. We look away through the woods and 
behold tlieir beautiful light streaming around stalwart men. It is early 
when our brigade (the 3d) commanded by our Colonel, "John Cook," 
moves from camp in the woods near Fort Henry. The Seventh at the 
appointed time takes up the line of march, under the command of Lieu- 
tenant Colonel Babcock. The regiment is in fine spirits; the hearts of 
the men beat high. In their mind's eye they weave wreaths of fame. 
They seem lo foi-esee themselves crowned with glory. But do they 
dream that they will see blood flow at their feet; that some of their 



106 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

number will go down in their glory ere the sun makes many more 
circuits around the world? 

A great many regiments have moved on before us. At ten min- 
utes past one o'clock we hear the report of artillery. It comes from 
the gun-boats on the Cumberland. We move on briskly, and go 
into camp two miles fi-om Fort Donelson. The siege of this rebel 
Gibralter has already commenced. The gun -boats keep muttering. 
Echoes come from the river like echoes from wrathful thunder. But 
by and by the regiment falls asleep on their bed of leaves, and all night 
long we hear in our dreams the bolts of Avar, and behold the surga of 
men in terrible battle. 

Thursday, 13th. —This is a beautiful still morning, though its still- 
ness is occasionally interrupted by the heavy cannonading on the 
Cumberland. After hastilj' eating our breakfast, we are ordered into 
line. 

Soon Colonel Babcock gives the command ''forward! " Going a 
short distance W'e are ordered to "halt!" "unsling knapsacks!" "draw 
overcoats!" We throw them in the fence corners, and move forward 
on double-quick time. Soon we are in the fray. While marching 
over a hill and down towai'ds a ravine, the Seventh encounters a 
masked battery. It is our first encounter- our initiation. But oh, 
how fierce! we are only seventy-five yards from the battery's wrath- 
ful front. Grape and canister fall thick and fast. There is a little 
hesitation, but with their gallant Colonel and enthusiastic Major, the 
men stand the tempest. Colonel Babcock, with his quick perception 
discovers at once the situation of his regiment, and with the ready 
aid of Major Row^ett, succeeds in making a flank movement, passing 
from the rebel battery's immediate front to a more congenial locality. 
In this, our first engagement, one noble soldier has fallen. It seems 
almost a miracle that more did not fall. But only one went down — the 
gallant Captain Noah E. Mendell, of company I. 

The principal fighting to-day has been done by the sharp- 
shooters. There is a lull now. Nothing is heard save an occasional 
shot from the gun -boats. Darkness has come and we bivouac for the 
night; soon it commences to rain; then changes from a cold rain to 
sleet and snow. Oh! how cold the winter winds blow. We dare not 
build any camp fires, for Grant's edict has v.Msely gone forth, forbid- 
ding it. The soldiers suffer to-night. Some of them have no blankets. 
During the latter part of the night. Colonel Babcock. with his men, 
could have been seen pacing up and down a hill to keep from freezing. 
Oh! what a long cheerless night; and with what anxiousness the 
soldiers w^ait for the morning's dawn. 

Friday, 14th. — Never was morning light more welcome than this 
morning's light is to the army of the Tennessee, for with it comes the 
camp fires. Everywhere, on the hill and in the ravines, their cheering 
light is seen. But the soldiers are still suffering. Their blankets are 
frozeiT, their clothes are w-efc. They stand everywhere shivering 
around the camp fires. It is still raining and sleeting, (having changed 



SEVENTH ILLINOIS INFANTRY 107 

from sleet and snow). The loyal hearts would start tears of love, 
could they see how this mighty army is thus standing down on the 
banks of the Cumberland, with not a murmur heard to escape them. 
Imagining myself not one of these, but imagining myself disinterested, 
that I may be freed from accusations of egotism, I would say that 
manhood stands here — men of fidelity; men of unexampled devotion 
to the country, the flag and freedom. But how sad the fact to know 
that there are some who would know it not. Though it is cold, and 
the winds blow, and the soldiers are suffering, it is not long until the 
firing commences. We are now in range of the rebel batteries. The 
cannon balls are flying over our heads, snapping off the tree tops, and 
performing general havoc in the woods. 

We ai'e now remaining at "a stand,'' in rear of the fort, and while 
here we hear heavy cannonading in the direction of the Cumberland. 
It is the gun -boats feeling Fort Donelson's strength. The sharp- 
shooters are doing their work. They greatly annoy the enemy by 
keeping them from their guns. No general fighting to-day, but the 
siege goes bravely on. 

It is night now. It bids fair to be one of winter's cold, rayless 
nights; no moon, no stars are seen. Dark, threatening clouds fling 
their curtains adown the sky, telling the boys in blue that they will 
suffer. 

Saturday, 15th. — It snowed again last night, but this morning the 
sky is clear; the clouds have disappeared, and the sunlight is seen 
again on the Cumberland hills. How cheeringly does it fall around 
the weary soldiers. It is indeed a blessing sent from heaven, for 
Grant and his army. But hark! we hear the rattle of musketry. It 
comes from the right wing. Soon we learn that Lawman's, McArthur's 
and Oglesby's brigades are engaged. The battle is now raging fur- 
iously. Our regiment is ordered to hasten to the left. Down the 
ravines, over the hills and across the abattis, the Seventh, led by the 
brave Colonel Babcock, and cheered by the gallant Rowett, go thund- 
ering on to where the wild battle storm rages. Arriving at the scene 
of action, we find the Second Iowa and an Indiana regiment in posi- 
tion near the enemy's works, breasting manfully a rebel battery play- 
ing upon them from a hill inside the outer works. Rushing into the 
conflict, Colonel Babcock forms the regiment under the galling fire. 
At this moment the veteran General Smith, moving through the fear- 
ful storm, draws rein to his charger in front of the Seventh, and says 
to Colonel Babcock, "I never saw a regiment make such grand move- 
ments under such a fire in all my military life as your's has just made. 
Colonel, I thank God for your command at this moment. Charge that 
rebel battery! charge it with your steel and silence its work of death!" 
The Seventli's bayonets are soon up and bristling. The battle is now 
raging furiously. The general casts his eyes towards the west, and 
beholding the sun fast sinking towards the horizon's bar, he turns to 
Colonel Babcock and says, "I countermand the order given you to 
charge that battery. It is now too late; I will leave that work for you 



108 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

to do to-morrow." The direful death-dealing elements are still flying 
thick and fast. The Seventh is now baring its bosom against the 
angry storm. Its colors are planted and flying over the works. Si- 
multaneously with the Second Iowa the Seventh Illinois pass over 
the outer works, but they go no farther; the rebel batteries' deadly 
sweeps check them. The gallant Iowa boys claim the honor of being 
the first to scale Fort Donelson's walls. They claim it rightly, too, 
and history will award to tliem the honor of being a little ahead of the 
Seventh Illinois. As it is said the brave are always generous, the 
Seventh Illinois will demonstrate it by giving the Iowa boys the credit 
of what they claim, feeling at the same time that they will give the 
Seventh Illinois the credit of being with them very soon after they 
scaled the defenses, when together we drove the rebels back in con- 
fusion. Night now comes on, putting a stop to the carnival of blood. 
It is dark now, though as we look around we can see, faintly, the 
bodies of the gallant dead. It is indeed heart rending to see how 
many noble men have perished, and to see how many are wounded 
and how many are dying. Blood from thousands has flowed to-day, 
and as the sun went down it shed its light upon the field, adding beauty 
and hallowed glory to the crimson life blood flowing from the Anglo 
Saxon's heart, down through rippling rills and gurgling brooks to 
where the beautiful Cumberland flows. 

Sunday, 16th. This morning we still occupy the position gained 
last evening. There is no firing this morning. Why this quiet? Why 
this stillness? The enemj- may be preparing for a more deteiinined 
resistance. But no, there is a truce! Grant is now holding communi- 
cation with the rebel General Buckner. Buckner gives terms upon 
which he will surrender. Grant says, '■'■No, I demand an unconditional 
surrender. I propose to move immediatelij upon your uoi'ks.^^ He waits 
for an answer. All are in suspense now. Go with me to yonder ele- 
vation; look eastward; the sun is far on its journey, while over the 
broad land church bells are ringing, and while the loyal people are 
breathing a prayer to heaven for the army and ntivy, fifty thousand 
warriors are being drawn up in line of battle. Away yonder in the 
woods, we see the General moving, followed by his staff, and in the 
language of Campbell in his description of the battle of the Baltic. 

"As their war steeds went surging on their path, 
There was silence deep as death, 
And the boldest held his breath 
For a time." 

But hark! what mean those shouts that come roiling down the 
line? "Fort Donelson is ours!" The rebel flag has been lowered, and 
afar we see the white flag waving. An unconditional surrender has 
been made of the whole rebel force and munitions of war. With colors 
flying and drums beating, we pass into Fort Donelson. Our quarters 
to-night are those lately occupied by the rebels. The Seventh feels 
good, knowing that they have helped to gain a brilliant victory, adding 
new glory to the old flag. 



109 

Fort Henry' 

By Jesse Taylor, Jackson, Tenn. 

About the lat of September, 1861, while commanding a camp of 
artillery instruction (Weakley) near Nashville, Tenn., I received a visit 
from Lieut. -Col. Milton Haynes, First Regiment Tennessee Artillery, 
who informed me of the escape of a number of steamers from the 
Ohio, and of their having sought refuge under the guns of Fort Henry; 
that a "cutting out" expedition was anticipated from Paducah; that, 
as there was no experienced artillerist at the fort, the Governor, I. G. 
Harris, was anxious that the deficiency be immediately supplied; that 
he had no one at his disposal unless I would consent to give up my 
"Light Battery" (subsequently Porter's and later still Morton's) and 
take command at Fort Henry. Anxious to be ot service, and believing 
that the first effort of the Federals would be to penetrate our lines by 
the way of the Tennessee River, I at once consented to the exchange, 
to the loudly expressed disapproval and wonder of my friends. 

Arriving at the fort, it required only a glance at its surroundings 
to convince me that extraordinary bad judgment or worse had selected 
the site for its erection. I was surprised to find it situated in a bottom 
commanded by high hills on both sides of the river, within good rifle 
range. The fact was at once communicated to the military authorities 
of the State, who replied that the "location had been selected by a 
competent engineer, and with reference to mutual support with Donel- 
son." Knowing that the crude ideas of a sailor concerning fortifica- 
tions were entitled to but little consideration when brought in conflict 
with those entertained by a West Pointer, I decided to quietly ac- 
quiesce, and to submit to whatever the fates or blundering stupidity 
miglit hold in store. But an accidental observation of a water-mark 
left on a tree caused me to carefully examine for this sign above, below, 
and in the rear of the fort, and from the result to become convinced 
that we had a mightier and more irresistable foe to contend with than 
any the Federals could bring against us. This enemy was the river 
itself. Continuing my investigation by making inquiries of tlie old set- 
lers, I was confirmed in my fears that the fort was not only subject to 
overflow, but that the highest point in it would be, in the usual Febru- 
ary rise, at least two feet under water. This alarming fact was also 
submitted to the proper State authorities, and elicited a curt notifica- 
tion that the State forces had been turned over to the Confederacy, and 
that I should communicate with Gen. Polk on the subject. This sug- 
gestion was at once acted on - not only once, but frequently, and with 
the urgency the importance of the subject demanded— which finally 
resulted in being referred to Gen. A. S. Johnson, who, on the matter 
being brought to liis attention, immediately dispatched an officer of 
engineers (Maj. Gilmer) to investigate; but it was now too late to ef- 
fectually remedy the defect, though an effort was made by beginning 
to fortify the heights on the west bank, immediately opposite the fort. 

1 From M. A. T.— 860. Cf. article by the same author in B. & L., 1—868. 



110 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

The armament of the fort at the time I assumed command con- 
sisted of six smooth-bore thirty -two pounders and one six-pounder 
iron field piece, manned by (."'o. B, First Regiment Tennessee Artillery, 
Lieut. Stanckievitch commanding. By Feb. 1, 1861, this armament had 
been increased, by the persistent exertions of Gen. Lloyd Tilghman, 
Col. A. Heiman, and myself, to two forty -twos, eight thirty -twos, one 
one hundred and twenty-eight pounder (CoUimbiad), five twenty-four- 
pounder siege-guns, and one six-inch rifled gun. We had also six 
twelve-pounders, but of such a "pot metal" appearance that it was 
deemed best to subject them to a test before giving them position; 
and as two of them burst when tried with an ordinary charge, the oth- 
ers were set aside as useless. Much of the powder supplied was of a 
very inferior quality, so much so that it was deemed necessary to 
adopt the dangerous expedient of adding to each charge a propor- 
tion of quick-burning powder. That this was required will, I think, 
be admitted when it is understood that to obtain a random of one mile 
— the distance from the fort to a small island below — it was necessary 
to give an elevation of anywhere from eight to fifteen degrees. 

During the winter of 1861-62 the gun- boats made frequent appear- 
ance in the Tennessee, and, coming up under cover of the island al- 
ready mentioned, would favor us with an hour or more of shot and 
shell; but as their object was evidently to draw our fire, and thus ob- 
tain the position and range of our guns, though often sorely tempted 
by the provoking accuracy of their fire, we deemed it best notto make 
any return. 

On Feb. 4 the Federal gun-boats, followed by countless transports, 
appeared in the river below the fort. Far as eye could see the course 
of the river could be traced by the dense volume of smoke issuing from 
the vast flotilla, indicating that the long-threatened attempt to pene- 
trate our lines was to be made in earnest. The gun-boats took up po- 
sition about three miles below, and opened a bi-isk fire on the fort, at 
the same time furiously shelling the woods, thus covering the debark- 
ation of their army on the east bank of the river. The 5th was a day 
of unusual animation on the quiet waters of the Tennessee. All day 
long the flood-tide of arriving and the ebb of returning transports 
never ceased. Late in the afternoon three of the gun -boats, two on 
the west side of and under cover of the island and one to the east near 
the fort, took position and opened a vigorous and well directed fire, 
which was received in silence until a loss of one killed and three 
wounded induced me to order the Columbiad and rifle to open. Six 
shots were fired— three from each piece— and with such effect as to 
force the boats to drop out of range. 

At night Gen. Tilghman called a council of his most trusted officers. 
Cols. Heiman, Forest, and Drake, Maj. Gilmer and Captain Hayden, of 
engineers, are all the names I can now recall as having been present. 
The strength of the Federals was variously estimated, the lowestplac- 
ing their force at twenty -five thousand. To oppose this foi-ce Gen. 
Tilghman had less than four thousand men, mostly raw regiments 



FORT HENRY ARTILLERY 111 

armed with shot-guns and hunting rifles; in fact, the hest equipped 
regiment in tlie command — the Tenth Tennessee — was armed with old 
Tower of London flint-lock muskets that had done the State service in 
the war of 1812. The general opinion and final decision were that suc- 
cessful resistance to such an overwhelming force was an impossibility, 
and that the army should fall back and unite with Pillow and Buckner 
at Douelson. Gen. Tilghman recognizing thedifticulty of withdrawing 
undisciplined troops from the front of an active opponent, turned to me 
with the question, "Can you hold out for one hour against a determined 
attack?" I replied that I could. "Well then, gentlemen, rejoin your 
commands and hold them in readiness for instant movement." 

The garrison left at the fort consisted of a part of Co. B, First 
Tennessee Artillery, Lieuts. Watts and Weller, with flfty-four men, 
First Lieut. Stanckievitch and thirty men having been detached with 
some light field-pieces to aid in the retreat. 

The forenoon of the 6th was spent by both sides in making pre- 
parations for the coming struggle. The gun-boats formed line of battle 
abreast under cover of the island. The "Carondelet," thirteen guns; 
"Louisville," thirteenguns; "Essex," thirteen guns; and "St. Louis" or 
"Mound City," thirteen guns (I am doubtful as to the name), formed 
the van or front. The "Conestoga," seven guns; "Lexington," seven 
guns; and "Tyler," seven guns, formed the rear line. So soon as the 
line of battle was developed I assigned to each gun the vessel to which 
it was to devote its compliments and directed that the guns be kept 
constantly trained on the advancing boats. Accepting the volunteered 
services of Captain Hayden, of the engineers, to assist at the Colum- 
biad, I repaired to and took personal supervision of the rifled gun. 

The gun-boats opened fire while under cover of the island, and, 
advancing steadily, increased its rapidity until, as they swung into the 
main channel above the island, they appeared one sheet of leaping, liv- 
ing flame. The fire, though exceedingly rapid, was very accurate. 
The van being now less than a mile distant, the command was given 
to fire. And just let me say that as pretty and as simultaneous a broad- 
side was delivered as I ever saw flash from the sides of a "crack" fri- 
gate. After the first command to fire the order was, "load and fire at 
will." The action had now become general, and for the next twenty 
or thirty minutes was as hot, rapid, and accurate as one could wish, the 
advantage evidently inclining to the fort. 

The iron-clad "Essex" had dropped out of the fight disabled. 
The fleet had hesitated, halted, and seemed falling back, when a suc- 
cession of untoward and unavoidable accidents happened in the fort 
which restored the confidence and advance of the flotilla — viz.: the 
rifled gun, from which I had just been called by duty, burst with dis- 
abling effect, not only to its own detachment, but to the guns near it. 
Going to the Columbiad as the only effective gun remaining, I met 
Gen. Tilghman, and for the first time knew that he had returned to 
the fort, he having crossed to the west bank of the river that morn- 
ing, and was, I supposed, with the retreating army. While consult- 



112 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

ing with him, a sudden exclamation of anger or surprise called my 
attention to the Columbiad, which I found spiked with its own priming- 
wire. The wire, having been too hastily inserted, was caught by the 
ram-home blow of the rammer, and so bent in the vent as to effectu- 
ally spike the gun for that day. The Federal commander, observing 
the silence of the two heavy guns, renewed his advance and increased 
the accuracy of his fire. Two of the thirty -twos were struck almost at 
the same instant, and the flying fragments of the shattered guns and 
burst shells disabled every man at the two guns. His rifle-shot and 
shell penetrating the earth-works as readily as a pistol-ball would a 
pine plank, so disabled other guns as to leave us but four capable of 
service. 

Gen. Tilghman held a hasty consultation with Major Gilmer, Lieut. 
Watts, and myself. The decision reached was that continued resistance 
would only result in useless loss of life, and that the object of the de- 
fense being accomplished, the only thing remaining to be done was to 
surrender. He thereupon ordered me to strike the colors, now become 
a dangerous as well as painful task. Tlie flag-staff had been struck 
a number of times. The topmast hung so far out of the perpendicu- 
lar that it seemed likely to come down by the run at any moment. 
The flag-halyards had been cut, but fortunately fouled at the cross 
trees. Beckoning — for it was useless amidst the din to call — to Sergt. 
Jones, an old man-of-war man, to follow, we ran across to the flag- 
staff and up the lower rigging to the cross-trees, and by our united 
efforts and habit of manipulating ropes, succeeded in doing that which, 
though I fully recognized the necessity, was the most painful duty it 
had ever been my lot to perform — lower the flag under which I had 
been fighting. 

The view from that elevated position was at that time grand, ex- 
citing, and striking. At our feet the fort, with her few remaining 
guns, was sullenly hurling innocuous shot against impervious sides. 
The fleet — now within two hundred yards of the fort, in perfect secu- 
rity from harm — was sending, with the accuracy of target practice, her 
missiles of destruction, which swept the fort from "stem to stern." 
To the north and west, on both sides of the river, were the hosts of 
"blue-coated gentry,'' an anxious and highly interested army of spec- 
tators of the drama going on before them. To the east was to be seen 
the feeble fox'ce of the Confederacy making its. way toward Donelson. 

In the morning we were assured that the February rise in the 
river had come and was coming with a boom. When the action began 
the lower parts of the fort were already flooded. When the colors 
were struck the water was waist deep there. Wlien the Federal cut- 
ter came with the oflicers to receive the formal surrender, contrary to 
all established precedent it pulled in at the sally-port. Between the 
fort and where the infantry support had been was a sheet of water a 
quarter of a mile or more wide, and running like a mill-race. If the 
Federals had delayed forty-eight hours, I believe there would not have 



FORT HENRY ARTILLERY 113 

been a single hostile shot exchanged. The Tennessee would have ac- 
complished the work the magazine would have been flooded. 

Well, the fight was over, and we, tlie little garrison, were prison- 
ers of war, but our small army had been saved. It had been required 
of us to hold out for one hour. We had held out, by Federal time, 
over two hours. I had been too actively employed to make much note 
of time, so set down the Federal report. We went into action with 
nine guns. We had two more (forty-twos), but without shot or shell 
for them. Of the fifty-four men who went into the fight, nine were 
killed and sixteen seriously wounded. Several more were slightly 
hurt. Of the Federal loss I shall only say that when the "Essex" 
dropped out of line I could see her men wildly throwing themselves 
into the swollen waters of the Tennessee; that Admiral Foote reported 
his boat, the flagship, as struck thirty-eight times; and that the com- 
manding officers of the different gun-boats, with most of whom I en- 
joyed a warm personal friendship, complimented me most highly on 
the accuracy of our practice. 

This I do firmly believe, that with effective guns, the same accu- 
racy of fire would have sunk or driven back the fleet sent against us. 
And this excellence of practice was attained by a lot of Tennessee 
lads who only a few weeks previous had been following the plow, 
standing behind the counter, or sitting on the rough benches of an old 
field school-house. My personal connection with Co. B was severed 
by the surrender, though I heard with pride of its doing good and gal- 
lant service at Fort Hudson and again at Mobile. 



Third Tennessee Infantry^ 

By John S. Wilkes, Pulaski, Tenn. 

The regiment reached Fort Donelson on the 8th of February, and 
almost immediately went into line of battle and began to throw up a 
line of defense, consisting of a slender breast-work of logs and earth 
with a rifle pit behind it. John C. Brown as senior Colonel had since 
July been continuously in command of a brigade composed of this regi- 
ment and others, and at Fort Donelson his brigade, besides his own 
regiment, was composed of the Eighteenth, Thirty -second, and Forty - 
first Tennessee Infantry, the Fourteenth Mississippi, and Porter's and 
Graves's field batteries — Lieut. -Col. Gordon being in command of the 
Third Tennessee. The position of the brigade was on the right of the 
line of defense, and on Wednesday, the 12th, about 12 M., before the 

1 From M. A. T.— 177. Cf. Reports R. R. 7—346, 349. 

The author was Commissary Sergeant of the regiment upon its organization in 
May, 1861; he became Commissary upon its reorganization in September, 1862. 

The regiment formed part of Gen. Buckner's command in Bowling Green from 
September, 1861 till ordered to Fort Donelson. The author says of Col. Brown and the 
regiment: "Col. John C. Brown was a strict discip inarian, hill of the magnitude of 
the work ahead and determined that his regiment, composed of picked material, should 
not be excelled. Under his instruction, and with the cooperation of his able line of 
officers, the regiment soon became noted for its fine appearance, profliciency in drill 
and military bearing. * * * The men were inured to camp life and anxious for the 
conflict." 



114 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

works were half coaiplebed, the enemy appeared, and dnring that day 
Thursday, and Friday, kept up an incessant firing of sharp-shooters. 
Upon the rig-ht of the regiment was Porter's light battery of six guns, 
and on tlie left Graves's battery commanded the long, wide vallej' 
separating the brigade from Col. Heiman's right. These batteries were 
admirably luindled, and for two days kept at bay the enemy, infantry 
being constantly depkiyed in the rifle-pits. On Saturday morning an 
attempt was made to turn the enemy's right, clear the Wynn's Ferry 
road, and fall back to Nashville. The Third Tennessee was deploj-ed 
in the rifie pits, where the Wynn's Ferry road crosses the line.of in- 
trenchments. Before it reached its position the attack had alieadj- 
commenced on the extreme left, and soon afterward the Fourteenth 
Mississippi were thrown forward as skirmishers, supported by the 
Third and Eighteenth Tenn.^ssee, who upon reaching the summit of 
the hill, were met by a terrific fire, but returned it with spirit, and the 
enemy retired still farther upon their left. At twelve o'clock, the 
Third, Eighteenth, and Thirty-second Tennessee Regiments were led 
by Col. Brown across the open field on the right of Wynns Ferry road, 
under the fire of a batterj^ posted on that road, and captured one sec- 
tion of the battery. A further charge was ordered and made. It met 
a terrific fire, which was returned with deadly effect, and the gallant 
Graves coming to the rescue at full speed with his battery, the enemy 
were forced to leave the field, and the road was entirely open and free; 
but the regiment was immediately ordered back to the position it had 
left in the morning; but a part of this line was already occupied by the 
enemy, and they could not be dislodged. On the next morning the 
garrison was surrendered. The weather was terribly cold and stormy. 
The rifle-pits were full of ice; the ground was hard frozen; the regi- 
ment had been in line of battle and under continuous fire for four days. 
It had 743 men able for duty and actually engaged; loss, 13 killed, 56 
wounded, 72- captured. The commissioned officers were carried pris- 
oners to Fort Warren, Mass., and Camp Chase, O., and the privates 
and non-commissioned officers to Camp Douglas, 111. Many died from 
the exposure of the siege, some escaped from prison, some took the 
oath of allegiance, which was freely and invitinglj- offered them; 607 
were exchanged on the 23d of September, 1S62, after a confine- 
ment of seven months. They immediately reorganized the regiment, 
retaining their old number, but making many changes in their field, 
staff, and line officers, and in the arrangement of the companies. Col. 
,Tohn C. Brown, before the reorganization, was promoted to the rank 
of Brigadier and ordered to report for duty to Gen. Bragg, then at 
Chattanooga, moving his column into Kentucky. 



115 

Tenth Tennessee Infantry.^ 

By Lewis R. Clark, Clarksville, Tenn. 

The Tenth Teiuiessee Regiment was organized at Fort Henry, 
May, 1861: Colonel, Adolphus Heiman; Lieutenant-Colonel, Randall 
W. McGavoek; Major, William Grace; Adjutant, John Handy, suc- 
ceeded by La Fayette McConnico. * * * 

This regiment remained at Fort Henry from the time of its orga- 
nization in May, 1861, perfecting itself in drill and discipline, until the 
bombardment by the United States forces on Feb. 6, 1862. The forces 
at Fort Henry were commanded by Brig. -Gen. Lloj^d Tilghman. Col. 
Heiman, of the Tenth Tennessee, commanded a brigade composed of 
his own regiment and the Fourth Mississippi, and Lieut. -Col. 
McGavoek commanded the Tenth Tennessee. After a bombardment 
lasting about four hours, the sixty-four pound rifled gun in the fort ex- 
ploded, killing and wounding six or seven of our men, and the hundred 
ahd twenty-eight pound smooth-bore gun was dismounted by the force 
of its recoil. There was no infantry engagement at Fort Henry. Be- 
fore the white flag was hoisted, Gen. Tilghman ordered the infantry 
forces to withdraw and fall back to Fort Donelson. As Col. Heiman 
passed through the works, he shot one of the enemy who was entering 
the fort to get a close look at the Confederates. Col. Heiman resumed 
command when he overtook the regiment about two miles from Fort 
Henry. It was a very trying march to Fort Donelson, where we ar- 
rived quite late at night, having waded a number of small streams 
much swollen by rains and melted snow. We were constantly har- 
assed by pressure from the enemy's cavalry, which we had to resist 
several times by forming in line of battle and driving them back. 

The fighting commenced at Fort Donelson on Feb, 13, 1862, with 
the enemy in overwhelmingly superior numbers. Our works were as- 
saulted several times during the day. and shelled repeatedly during 
the night. The next day showed a steady continuance of the fight, 
which was rendered very trying by the bad weather, the ground being 
covered with snow in a slushy, half melted condition, freezing at night 
and thawing in the day-time. The third day we repulsed an attack of 
the enemy and drove them several miles. It was owing to the terrific 
losses inflicted upon the assaulting forces by our regiment that it 
earned the sobriquet of "The Bloody Tenth." Among the enemy's 
forces engaged in our front, the Second Iowa — which was a magnifi- 
cent body of men — suffered the most severely. By this time our men 
were completely worn out. With three days of steady, hard fighting, 
and two nights of sleepless exposure in the trenches to guard against 
an apprehended assault, we were thoroughly exhausted. Then rumors 
came that we were about to be surrendered. Captains John H. Ander- 
son and William M. Marr escaped and joined other commands; but the 

1 From M.A.T. — 282. The author's name does not appear in the roster of officers 
of the regiment upon its organization but upon its reorganization at Clinton, Miss., 
October 2, 1862, he is given as Captain of Co. K. For regimental reports by Col. Hei- 
man see R. R. 7—148, 366. 



116 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

great majority of the men were so tired and exhansted that tliey slept 
in spite of Mieir efforts to keep awake, and tlie next morning, Feb. 16, 
1862. we found ourselves prisoners, and stacked our arms, after inflict- 
ing a loss upon the enemy in killed and wounded equal to the total 
(Confederate loss in killed, wounded and prisoners. 

We were carried to several different prisons. The field and staff 
officers were taken ro Fort Warren, the line officers to Johnson's Is- 
land, and the non-commissioned officers and men to Camp Douglas, at 
Chicago. At Camp Douglas we were kindly treated for a montli or 
two, while under the charge of Col. Mulligan, who had himself been 
captured with his command by Gen. Price in Missouri. But when 
Mulligan's command was relieved from this duty, we became guarded 
by "home guards'' and "sixty-days men,'' who, having no chance to 
punish their enemy in the field, treated us who were in their power 
with atrocious barbarity in numerous ways, and even to the extent of 
shooting through the barracks at night, killing and woundingprisoners 
asleep in their bunks. We were removed from Camp Douglas in 
September, and arrived at Vicksburg, Miss., where we were exchanged 
on the 24th of that month. Reorganized at Clinton, Miss, October 2, 
1862. 



Twenty=sixth Fennessee Infantry ' 

By H. a. Craw^pord, Dayton, Tenn. 

In the latter part of September, 1861, the regiment was ordered 
from Knoxville to Bowling Green, Ky., and was placed in the brigade 
commanded by Col. W. E. Baldwin, of the Fourteenth Mississippi 
Regiment, and assisted in building the fortilications in and around 
that place. In January, 1862, we received orders to go to Russellville, 
Ky., and remained there until ordered to Fort Donelson, which was 
about the 10th of February, 1862. On the night of February 13th, the 
regiment boarded the steamer "John A. Fisher," at Cumberland City, 
on theCumberland River, reached Fort Donelson just before daylight 
the 14th, and was at once placed in line of battle. Nobly and gallantly 
did the rvveiiby-sixtli do its duty in this ever- memorable battle, under 
command of the brave and heroic Col. Lillard. assisted by as brave and 
true officers and men as ever went to battle from the "Volunteer 
State.'' 

Among the noble men of the Twenty -sixth Tennessee who fell 
in this great battle, none wei'e more lamented than the gallant young- 
Captain McClung, of Co. F; Lieutenant A. H.Swaggerty, of Co. C; and 
Assistant Surgeon G. W. Jones. The regiment was surrendered with 
the Arm^^ at Fort Donelson on the 16th of February, 1862, and sent to 
prison the field officers to Fort Warren, the other officers to John- 
son's Island, and the privates to Camp Morton, near Indianapolis, Ind. 
The privates were exchanged at Vicksburg, Miss., in September, 1862, 

1 From M. A. T.— 410. Of. R. R., 7—345. 



THIRTIETH TENNESSEE INFANTRY 117 

wliere they were met by their officers, who had been exclianged in 
Virginia. The regiment was reorganized at Knoxville, Tenn., the last 
of September or tlie first of October, 1862. 



Thirtieth Tennessee Infantry' 

By J. J. 'i'UKNKR, (lALLATIN, TENN. 

This regiment, of some nine liundred and seventy-five rank and 
file, was raised in the latter pai-t of tl)e summer of 1861, in tiie counties 
of Sumner, Robertson, Smith and Davidson. It wasorganized the first 
week in October, and soon went into camp at Red Springs. The offi- 
cers were: J. W. Head, Colonel; R. H. Murphy, Lieutenant-Colonel; 
J. J. Turner, Major; C. S. Douglass, Adjutant; F. M. Dully, Assistant 
Quartermaster; J. C. Bridgewater, Assistant Commissary; J. M.Head, 
Surgeon; J. S. Lane, Assistant Surgeon; I. L. Roach, Sergeant-Major; 
and G. W. Featherston, Chaplain. Tlie several companies were com- 
manded by Captains B G. Bidwell, W. A. Buntin, J L. Jones, Wm. 
Mays, W. T. Sample, J. IL Turner, J. L. Carson, W. A. Lovell, H. 
Barksdale, and T. C. Martin. 

In November the regiment was ordered to Fort Donelson, where 
the Tenth Tennessee Regiment had been located some time, with the 
exception of a few companies at Fort Henry. We were soon joined 
by Col. Bailey's Forty-ninth Tennessee Regiment, Col. Suggs's Fiftieth 
Tennessee Regiment, Major Colms'a First Tennessee Battalion, and 
Captain McCoot's company of cavalry that belonged to Col. Foi-rest's 
celebrated cavalry command. Soon after our arrival there Gen. Tilgh- 
man was placed in command of the defenses of the CUimberland and 
Tennessee rivers; but owing to the small number of troopn and the 
want of heavy artillery, little had been done to protect these points 
against. the formidable land and naval foices that war era pidlj prepar- 
ing to. invade Tennessee by these rivers. With the aid of the new 
regiments and a large force of tiegroes, the fortifications and defen- 
ses on the rivers were pushed with great vigor dni'ing the months of 
November, December, and January, and the forts were about com- 
pleted, and all of our large gnus placed in position and protected by 
heavy earth-works. We were fully apprised of the vast preparations 
by the land and naval forces of the enemy to attack both positions so 
soon as the rivers should rise. 

During the first days of February both rivers commenced to rise 
rapidly, and we had learned of our defeat at Fishing Creek and the 
advance of Buel on Howling Green, and that the Federal fleet and 
army were coming up the Tennessee River. Every hour we expected 
to hear the clash of arms. About 12 a.m. February 6 we could dis- 
tinctly hear the booming of heavy artillery at Fort Henry. It soon 
increased to a regular roar, and all knew what it meant. The long roll 
was beat, and soon the regiments at Fort Donelson started to the aid 

1 M. A. T. 441. Cf. R. R., 7—377. 



118 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

of their coinrades; but on arriving in a few miles of Fort Henry we 
met the infantry in full retreat, and badly disorganized. 

The engagement hud lasted some tliree hours. The river was so 
high that the gun-boats were able to come up very close, and by 
reason of the superiornumberand size of their artillery — having forty- 
three heavy guns, and the fort but eleven medium pieces, they nearly 
demolished the fort, disabled most of our artillery, and forced the 
garrison of some eighty, inclndijig Gen. Tilghman and staff, to surren- 
der. Seven out of eleven of Gen. Tilghman's guns were disabled, yet 
he hit the gun-boats fifty-nine times, and great!}' injured them. The 
Confederate infantry numbered two thousand six hundred and ten and 
seventy-five artillerymen, while the Federal infantry numbered some 
sixteen thousand. The former were soon compelled to retreat rap- 
idly or be captured. 

The troops from Fort Henry were at once reorganized and their 
wants supplied. Reenforcements commenced to arrive in a day or 
two from Nashville, Bowling Green, and Hopkinsville, and by the 
evening of the 12th of February our entire force consisted of some 
twelve thousand five hundred, but badly armed and clothed. Few 
of them had ever been ui\der fire. In the meantime the fleet of 
gun-boats at Fort Henry liad descended the Tennessee River and 
come up the Cumberland to within a short distance of Fort Donelson. 
The Federal infantry from Fort Henry had marched across the 
country, and some twenty -five thousand of their infantry and cav- 
alry were landed below us under cover of the gun -boats. On Wed- 
nesday, the 12th, the gun-boats came up in sight of our batteries 
and complimented them with a few shell, the fire being promptly re- 
turned. In the meantime Col. Forrest, with his own and Gant's 
cavalry, felt of the enemy, and found he was gradually surrounding us 
and preparing for an early assault. 

On Wednesday evening Gens. Pillow, Buckner, Floyd, and John- 
ston had fully organized our forces, arranged the line of battle, and 
commenced a line of earth -works, beginning at the fort near the 
river and extending in a semi -circle some three miles to the riv^er 
above Dover. By Thursday morning these rifle-pits were sufficient 
to protect our infantry against small arms, but not against artillery. 
About one month before the siege Cai)tain B. G. Bidwell, of the Thir- 
tieth Tennessee Regiment, and Captain T. W. Beaumont, of the Fif- 
tieth Tennessee Regiment, with tlieir companies, were assigned to the 
batteries at the river, none of them having had any military experience 
previous to that time. 

Our guns consisted of a ten-inch Columbiad, a sixty-four pounder 
rifle, eight smooth-bore thirty-two pounders, and two carronades of 
little value, and in the fort a large howitzer and two ten-pounders. 
The batteries were under command of Captain Dixon, of the engineer 
corps, an able and experienced officer. 

On Thursday, February 13, about 10 a.m., the gun-boat "Caron- 
delet" came in sight and opened on our batteries, tiring one hundred 



THIRTIETH TENNESSEE INFANTRY 119 

and thirty-nine seventy-five pound and sixty -four pound shells, which 
were well replied to. One of the last shots from this boat disabled a 
thirty-two pounder commanded by Captain Bidwell and killed Capt. 
Dixon, after which Captain Jacob Culbertson took command of the 
heavy artillery. The "Carondelet" was badly injured, having been 
shot through, and losing some twelve men killed and wounded; but 
she was repaired for action that night. On Friday, the 14th, about 3 
P.M., the fleet — having been equipjjed for the fight by chains, lumber, 
and bags of coal to protect their decks and sides — advanced upon the 
batteries. The fleet was commanded by Flag-Officer Foote,and con- 
sisted of the iron -clads "Carondelet," "St Louis,'" "Louisville " and 
"Pittsburg," and the wooden gun-boats "Taylor" and "Conestoga." 
The entire fleet advanced, keeping up a constant fire, the iron-clads 
being in front and the wooden boats following. As soon as they 
were in range the batteries opened on them, and one of the severest 
and most terrible contests of tlie war ensued, lasting for about one 
hour. The fleet came within three hundred yards of the batteries, 
each firing as rapidly as possible. Our battery had only twelve guns, 
and the rifled piece was soon disabled by a careless gunner. The guns 
of the fleet numbered at least sixty, and were much superior in size. 
Iron-clad and wooden gun -boats had before this been a terror to in- 
fantry and land batteries; but our raw yet brave and determined men, 
under command of Capts. Culbertson, Bidwell, and Beaumont, stood 
to their guns, continued to fire with the precision and steadiness of 
trained veterans, and demonstrated their superiority over gun-boats. 
The fight closed by the retreat of the entire fleet, all of their boats 
having been severely injured or disabled, and with a heavy loss of 
officers and men, including Flag-officer Foote. Our batteries did not 
have a casualty to men or guns after the first day. Captain Bidwell 
estimated that the fleet fired two thousand shot and shell and the bat- 
teries about four hundred shots, which was admitted by the Federal 
officers. The fleet lost ten killed and forty -four wounded, and all their 
boats were badly disabled. The accuracy and. coolness of our gunners 
are shown bj' the fact that the "Carondelet" alone was struck fifty- 
four times, as since conceded by Rear-admiral Walker; and Flag-Offi- 
cer Foot admits that the "St. Louis" was hit between wind and water 
fifty-nine times by our batteries. This relieved us from all danger 
from the gun-boats, and when known the rebel yell was heard for 
miles, as all feared the result — Major Gillmer, chief engineer, having 
informed our Generals that the boats could pass our batteries. 

During Thursday and Friday the Thirtieth Tennessee was situ- 
ated between Drake's and Heiman's brigades, in the trenches, and was 
not actively engaged, though in full view of Gen. Logan's attack on 
Heiman's position, protected by Maney's battery, and various repul- 
ses of the enemy. While in this situation we were constantly annoyed 
by the Federal sharp-shooters ai.d artillery in our front, and by shell 
from the rear during the gun-boat fight. On Saturday, about 3 a.m., I 
received an order to move the regiment to the extreme right, and oc- 



120 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

cnpy the trenches then held by Bncknei''s division. Owing to the 
fact that when the order was received Lieut.- Col. Murphy was sick and 
Col. Head unwell, both being at the fort, and as my men had scarcely 
slept for three days and nights, and had lain in the trenches for two 
days and nights in the mud, rain, sleet, and snow, without fire or ade- 
quate clothing to protect them from such exposure, it was hard to 
arouse them and get them ready to march. We were delayed by the 
sleet in marching through the woods, and therefore did not arrive till 
nearly day, filing into the trenches while Buckner's division moved to 
the extreme east of our position, to make an opening for the escape 
of all save the garrison brigades. Col. Head took six companies and 
occupied the left of the position, while I took the companies of Capts. 
Carson, Sample and Martin, and occupied the trenches on the extreme 
right, so as to protect the water batteries and connect with the fort. 
At daylight the Federal sharp-shooters opened on us from every 
available point, to which we could make no reply by reason of our 
shoi't- range guns; so we had to keep well under cover or be picked off. 
A more cheerless day we never spent. It was cloudy and very cold. 
For five hours we could hear the clash of arms on the east, and we 
expected the army to go out, leaving us to hold the fort and surren- 
der. During the night and day tlie Federals had been reenforced by 
some twelve thousand fresh troops from the transports below us, who 
were in position to attack as by 2 p.m. About 2:30 p.m. the fight 
seemed to cease on the left or eastern part of our line, while in our 
front we could see and hear the Federals landing and moving into po- 
sition preparatory to an attack on our position. Fearing an immedi- 
ate attack, I ordered my officers to keep a careful watch. About 3:30 
P.M. Captain Carson informed me that the Federals were moving on 
the works in large numbers. I at once mounted my horse and rode 
to a point overlooking our woi ks, and could see the enemy in two 
lines, and numbering several thousand, moving rapidly upon us. I 
immediately ordered my men into position and to hold their fire until 
the enemy were at close range, which was obeyed to the letter. Just 
at this moment I saw the advance of Buckner's division arriving in 
sight, headed by Colonel Hanson's gallant Second Kentucky and fol- 
lowed by the Third and Thirty -second Tennessee regiments. I gal- 
loped up to Col. Hanson, who was in front, and asked for aid. With- 
out a word he double-quicked his men up to near the position of 
Capts. Carson and Sample, who with their men were contesting the 
ground with a courage I have never seen surpassed. In overwhelm- 
ing numbers the enemy came over our works, and forced us to fall 
back with heavy loss to an interior and shorter line. At this point 
we were reenforced by all of Buckner's division. Porter's battery, 
the Thirtieth, Forty-ninth, and Fiftieth Tennessee, and Colms's Bat- 
talion. The Federals had here concentrated a very large force, but 
we held them in check till dark, when firing ceased. Our aggregate 
loss in this fight before the surrender was not heavy. The Federal 



THIRTIETH TENNESSEE INFANTRY 121 

loss, however, was very severe, as I saw the next day in passing over 
the battle-field and from tlie reports of the various commands. 

The Second Iowa and Twenty- fifth Indiana, that first charged the 
works held by my three companies, lost three hundred and thirteen 
men killed and wounded. The Federal charge at this point was made 
by Lauman's brigade of thirty -three hundred, and was headed by Gen. 
O. F. Smith, and they were reenforced till they numbered not less 
than ten thousand. This closed the fighting at Fort Donelson, which 
lasted four days and nights, and nearly every contest had been a vic- 
tory for the Confederates. The Federals had been heavily reenforced 
day and night until their forces numbered some fifty -five thousand 
men, while the Confederates never exceeded thirteen thousand, and 
with no hope of being reenforced or getting additional supplies. 

At a conference of the general officers on Friday night it was de- 
termined to cut out on Saturday- leaving the garrison brigade consist- 
ing of the Thirtieth, Forty-ninth, and Fiftieth Tennessee, Colms's Bat- 
talion, and the heavy artillery to hold the fort and western part of the 
works, while the remainder cut through and escaped. This order was 
carried out, but for some cause Gen. Pillow ordered the troops back, 
after they had repulsed the enemy and were ready to retreat and save 
themselves. 

At a general conference in Dover Saturday night it was agreed 
that the Confederates could no longer hold their position and resist the 
immense army that surrounded them. Gens. Pillow, Floyd, and Col. 
Forrest were unwilling to be surrendered, and Floyd and Forrest es- 
caped with their commands. Our brigade had formed to go out about 
midnight, and got as far as Dover and there remained till 3 a.m. await- 
ing orders, and most of the men from sheer exhaustion sleeping on the 
frozen ground. I then received orders to march back to the fort, 
hoist the white flag, and prepare for a surrender; and while going 
back we met Col. Forrest moving out. I was left in command of the 
regiment, and on Sunday morning, Feb. 16, the entire army — except 
Floyd's and Forrest's commands — about nine thousand officers and men, 
surrendered; the Federal force then numbering over fifty thousand. 

The surrender was a surprise to nearly everyone, as the army 
was not demoralized or discouraged, for during the four days fighting 
it inflicted upon its opponents a loss of some five to one of its own 
loss. The universal sentiment of oflicers and men was that the sur- 
render was unnecessary, and could have been prevented by going out 
and retreating Saturday; second, by going out Saturday night and fol- 
lowing the route taken by that gallant and intrepid soldier, N. B. For- 
rest; or third, by crossing the troops to the north bank of the river, 
and letting them escape in detail. 

The surrender was a sad blow to the Confederacy, as'it forced a 
speedy evacuation of Kentuckey and middle Tennessee, and must 
now be regarded as the result of incompetency and bad generalship. 



122 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

The scene of Sunday's sui'render will never be forgotten bya Con- 
federate soldier who had to witness and go through its sickening de- 
tails and humiliation. 

On Monday night my regiment and Palmer's Eighteenth Tenn- 
essee, numbering some fourteen hundred, were embarked on one boat 
like so many cattle and shipped to St. Louis, suffering tor several days 
from cold, exposure, and poor rations, and without any means of cook- 
ing them. 

Thirty=second Tennessee Infantry' 
(Colonel E. C. Cook) 

By J. P. McGuiRE, Nashville, Tenn. 

Under misapprehension of a general order from army headquar- 
ters, the medical officers of this regiment burned all the rolls, rosters, 
records, and books of the regiment and all its companies, shortly be- 
fore the surrender of the Army of Tennessee at Greensboro. N. C, in 
April, 1865. Therefore, this sketch is necessarily imperfect, and is 
written altogether from memory, by one who was a participant in all 
the battles and impoi-tant events in which the Thirty-second Tenn- 
essee was engaged. 

In the spring and summer of 1861 many volunteer companies or- 
ganized in middle Tennessee, reported to the Governor of the State, 
and were ordered to rendezvous at Camp Trousdale, Sumner county, 
where they were placed under the command of Col. (afterwards Briga- 
dier-general) Bushrod Johnson, with Lieut. J. P. McGuire acting tem- 
porarily as Adjutant. After remaining in camp a short while ten com- 
panies formed themselves into a regiment and offered their services 
formally to the Confederate Government for twelve months.- * * 

About this time we were ordered to East Tennessee to do patrol 
duty in Chattanooga and surrounding country, and to guard biidges 
from Bridgeport, Alabama, to Chattanooga. In December we were 
ordered to Bowling Green, Ky., by rail, and reached thereabout Christ- 
mas, when we went into winter-quarters. The military spirit was in- 
tense, and all had addressed themselves to it so diligently that by Feb- 
ruary we were fairly drilled and under pretty good discipline. About 
February 1, 1862, we were ordered to Russellville, Ky.. to report to 
Gen. Buckner, and remained there a short while engaged in drilling 
and inspection, preparatory to active service. We were not kept 
waiting long, and without knowing whither we were bound, orders 
came to prepare rations and be reacy to move at "a moments notice." 
Railroad transportation was furnished us from Russelville, Ky., to 
Clarksville, Tenn., and reaching the latter place we bivouacked on the 
west side of the Cumberland River for a few days, when we took the 
old steamer "City of Nashville" and were transported to Fort Donel- 

1 From M. A. T. 469. Cf. Report Col. E. C. Cook, R. R. 7—356. 

2 The author then became Brevet Second Lieutenant of the 7th Company. 



THIRTY -SECOND TENNESSEE INFANTRY 123 

son, near Dover, Tenii. "We reached Dover after dark, marched back 
about two miles and bivouacked for the night. Next morning we took 
our position in the hue of defense immediately on the right of and sup- 
porting Graves's Kentucky battery. Our position was to the right of 
the center of our land line of defense, and perhaps a mile and a half 
from the fort. We proceeded at once to build rifle pits and to fell the 
timber in our front, and otherwise strengthen our position, for we 
were told the enemy under Gen. Grant was moving by land on Fort 
Donelson, via Fort Henry on the Tenessee River, which latter point 
they had alreadj' invested, while a heavy fleet of gun-boats was mov- 
ing up the Cumberland on the fort. 

At day-hreak next morning we discovered the enemy's sharp- 
shooters posted in our front, as well as some of their field artillery. 
They had also extended their position farther to our left, and were 
threatening the positions occupied bj' the Tenth, Forty-first, and Fifty- 
third Tennessee regiments and Maney's battery, all being in plain 
view of our position. On our right were Colonel Palmer's Eighteenth 
Tennessee Regiment and Col. John C. Brown's Third Tennessee. 
About 11 o'clock of this day an assault was made upon our line by the 
enemy's infantry, near the right of Brown's regiment, but was easily 
repelled. About 1 p.m. a very stubborn attack was made on the posi- 
tion occupied by the Tenth, Forty-first, and Fifty-third Tennessee 
regiments, and for a considerable time it appeared that this part of the 
line would be broken. Although pooi'ly armed, these regiments, with 
Maney's battery, maintained their position, repelling every assault, 
inflicting terrable loss upon their assailants, and gaining a glorious 
victory. Graves's battery, too, which was posted on the crest of the 
hill overlooking their position, did splendid service. The enemy 
charged right up to our breastworks, so that when driven back their 
dead and wounded lay thick upon the ground for hundreds of yards 
back to the woods, which took fire from their guns, and many of their 
wounded perished in the flames, as they were prevented by Graves's 
battery and the infantry wliich had just defeated them from removing 
either their dead or wounded. The shrieks of the wretched wounded 
men were truly heart-rending. The weather was cold, and with the 
closing of the day a heavy snow-storm set in which stopped the burn- 
ing of the woods, but brought a state of affairs almost as deplorable 
for their wounded as that which they had just experienced. Cannon- 
ading began next morning between our batteries and the enemy's 
fleet, and lasted till late in the afternoon, when fate again decided 
against the enemy, who, with some vessels entirely destroyed and 
others badly damaged, was compelled to move off with his magnificent 
fleet. 

However, next morning the battle was renewed and with in- 
creased earnestness. About 9 A. M. the Thirty-second Tennessee 
Regiment, supported by Col. Palmer's Eighteenth Tennessee Regi- 
ment, was ordered to attack the enemy. Moving forward about a 
mile and finding no enemy, and feeling that we were being cut off. 



124 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

Col. Cook halted the regiment and corrected the alignment. We were 
in the midst of a dense forest and heavy undergrowth, and there was 
so much smoke we could see only a short distance in front of us. Col. 
Cook, thei'efore, appealed to Capt. Finney's company for an officer 
and six or seven men bo volunteer as skirmishers. Lieut. J. P. McGuire 
and the requisite number of men responded promptly, but before they 
had time to even attempt it the enemy opened upon us with both in- 
fantry and artillery, and seemed to have been in ambush for us. Be- 
ing at close range and unable to drive the enemy, the regiment was 
withdrawn. Our loss in numbers was comparatively slight, but In- 
cluded our gallant Lieutenant-Colonel, William P. Moore, who was 
mortally wounded and died soon afterward. About 3 p. M. we reached 
our former position, and about 4 p. m. a very vigorous assault was 
made on the extreme right of our line and in plain view of our regi- 
ment, but on a neighboring hill. The enemy was successful in this 
attack, and occupied our trenches immediately in rear of Fort Donel- 
son, and it was thought from that position they would be able to com- 
mand the fort, but night coming on no further attempt was made in 
that direction. We all believed the next day would be a bloody one, 
but to the surprise and mortification of nearly all of us daylight re- 
vealed the white flag all along our line. Gen. Bucknerhad surrendered 
during the night, or on the morning of February 16, 1862. Shortly 
after daylight the various commands of our army were formed, 
stacked their arms, and surrendered formally to Gen. Grant. 

Detailed men were then sent out to bury the dead, which being- 
done, we were ordered aboard a steam -boat, being now prisoners of 
war, and sent down the river to Cairo, 111. 



Forty=second Tennessee Infantry^ 
(Colonel Quarles) 

By Thomas. A. Turner, Ashland, Tenn. 

The company in which I enlisted and served (G) was organized 
when Governor Isham G. Harris made his first call for troops, but 
failed to get in, so soon was the order filled. We kept together, how- 
ever, and continued to drill once a week, so that when a second call 
was made we were ready, and Capt. (Dr.) Isaac B. Walton marched us 
over to the railroad near Cedar Hill, in Robertson county, and we 
pitched our tents at a place since known as Camp Cheatham. I think 
this was about the 1st of October, 1861. In the oi-ganization of our 
regiment we had only five companies of Tennesseans, the other five 
being Alabamians. The Tennessee companies were commanded by 
Captains Isaac B. Walton, I. N. Hulme, Levi McCollum, J. R. Hubbai'd, 
and Whitfield. The Alabama companies were commanded by 

1 From M. A. T.— 516 Of. reports Col. Heiman, comdg. Brigade, R. R. 7—366 
and Lt. McGinnis, Actius Adjt. R. R. 7—370. 



FORTY-SECOND TENNKSSEE INFANTRY 125 

Captains John H. Norwood, McCampbell, Henry Leadbetter, 

and Gibson. 

We elected W. A. Quarles Colonel; Isaac B. Walton, Lieutenant- 
colonel; and Levi McC'ollum, Major. Our field officers were all Ten- 
nesseans. Our Alabama companies expressed some dissatisfaction at 
this, so on our arrival at Camp Duncan (fair-grounds, Clarksville, 
Tenn.) our Lieutenant-colonel — I B. Walton — being an honorable, up- 
right, Christian gentleman, with great magnanimity tendered his 
resignation, reducing himself to the ranks, in order that an Alabamian 
might be chosen in his stead. His place was conferred upon Capt. 
John H. Norwood, than wliom no man was braver. 

We were again removed, and stationed at Fort Sevier, overlook- 
ing Cumberland River, just below Clarksville. On Thursday, Feb. 13, 
1862, we were ordered to Fort Donelson, at which place a battle had 
aheady begun. This w^as our first engagement. We went down the 
Cumberland River on board the steamer 'General Anderson," landing 
at Dover about 2 o'clock p. M. amidst a shower of shells from the 
enemy, in which several of our men were wounded. Quarles's regiment 
was instantly oi"dei*ed to the left wing to support the Thirtieth Ten- 
nessee, which was being charged by the enemy, but before we reached 
the scene of action the gallant Tliirtieth had repulsed the foe. We 
were next ordered to the right wing to support a battery commanded 
by Capt. Green. At this point the Federals had made a charge, at- 
tempting to capture certain artillery, but were met and driven back 
by the Tenth Tennessee, commanded by Col. Heiman. The enemy 
made a most desperate effort to capture this battery, and succeeded in 
dismounting every gun in it. They also killed or wounded almost 
every gunner, together with many of the horses. After they were re- 
pulsed, we were ordered into the ditches, to protect us from shells and 
sharp-shooters. It was here that we began to understand the serious- 
ness of war. Here around us lay our brethren, mangled, cold, stiff, 
dead. Among the dead here I remember to have noticed six of the 
gallant old Tenth. Soon night came on, and with it cold rain, then 
sleet, then snow; and to make our distress complete, our men were 
nearly all without coats — the evening of our arrival being very warm, 
we were ordered to leave our baggage at the wharf, which we did, and 
never heard of it again; hence, in this condition the Forty-Second 
Regiment fought the battle of Donelson, and in this condition they 
were surrendered on the morning of the 16th of February, 1862. I 
simply state iiere that though Friday was a busy day the enemy were 
repulsed wherever they made an attack, and every Confederate 
soldier's heart beat high in anticipation of a glorious victory. Saturday 
the same feeling prevailed I mean among the private soldiers (of 
whom I was one) -and there never was greater surprise in any camp 
than in that of the Forty -second Tennessee, when it began to be 
whispered early Sunday morning that the troops who had fought so 
bravely were to "pass under the yoke," not whipped, but surrendered. 



126 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

In the engagement at Fort Donelson the Forty -second had quite 
a number killed and wounded. Being only partially acquainted with 
other companies than my own, I am not able to give names. Our 
company (G) lost one killed — George Dye, private. Wounded: G. W. 
Weakley, Orderly Seargeant; J. E. Turner, private. The other com- 
panies suffered, but I can not give names or numbers. 



Forty=eighth lennessee Infantry^ 
(Colonel Voorheesi 

By Joseph Love, Culleoka. Tenn. 

On the 12tli of December, 1861, the companies to compose the 
Forty-eiglith Tennessee Infantry arrived at Camp Maney, a few miles 
north of Nashville, Tenn. Six of these companies were from Maury 
county, three from Hickman, and one from Lewis. In a few days a 
regimental organization was effected. Two companies (K and E), 
Capts. Jamison and George W. Gordon, were ordered the next day to 
Clarksville; from thence to Kentucky, south of Bowling Green, to do 
guard duty Capt. Jamison at Whip-poor-will, and Capt. Gordon at 
Elk Fork Bridge. 

The Captain of Co. E, George W. Gordon, deserves more than a 
passing notice. Of commanding appearence, gray -haired, full of vigor 
though in his sixtieth year, he was altogether my ideal of a Christian 
soldier. While we were guarding the bridge at this place he would 
call the boys ai-ound him at the close of day and ask God's blessing 
upon those under his command. He carried a moral atmosphere with 
him wherever he went. His genial manners made him a favorite in 
prison, and his friends looked forward with certainty to his promotion 
when exchanged. He was taken sick on his way from prison to Vicks- 
burg; and there, in one of its beautiful cemeteries, away from those he 
loved, sleeps one of the purest men 1 ever knew. 

The regiment was ordered from Camp Maney to Clarksville; from 
thence to Danville, on the Tennessee River; from thence to Fort 
Henry; after the fight there to Fort Donelson — Cos. E and K joining 
the regiment at Fort Donelson on Friday night, Februarj' 15. It was 
the last infantry to leave Kentuck3-, being engaged in the battle on 
the 16th and 17th, Col. Heiman, of the Tenth Tennessee, commanding 
the brigade; lost only one man in a charge Saturday evening. In the 
retreat from Fort Henry the baggage and clothing of the regiment 
were captured, and when the regiment reached Donelson a detail was 
made from each company to return home and collect clothing, etc.; 
and the measels having broken out in the regiment, we surrendered 
only three hundred and sixty men. With those detailed and recruits 
from the hospital, and those who made their escape from Fort Don- 
elson, a small battalion was formed at Corinth, with five new compa- 
nies from Lawrence and Wayne counties, and placed under Col. Nixon 
till we were exchanged. 

1 M. A. T.— 546. Cf. Reports Heiman, R. R. 7—150; B. R. Johnson— 358. 



127 

Forty=ninth Tennessee Infantry^ 
(Colonel J. E. Bailey) 

By Polk C Johnson, Clarksville, Tenn. 

In December, 1861, it was orgajiized by the election of James E. 
Bailey, Colonel; Alfred Robb, LientenatU -colonel; and D. A. Lynn, 
Major. R. E. Douglas was appointed Adjutant, and Dr. W. B. Will- 
iams, Surgeon. * * * 

After its organization the regiment remained at Fort Donelson, 
drilling, building fortifications, etc., until the battle of Fort Donelson, 
except that two companies were sent to Fort Henry, but ordered back 
before the attack on Fort Henry. When the enemy was moving on 
Fort Donelson a part of the regiment (volunteers) were sent out as 
cavalry under the command of Colonel N. Brandon, of the Fourteenth 
Tennessee, who was at home on leave of absence, and had a skirmish 
with them, when they were worsted with a loss of six or eight wounded 
and ten or twelve captured. 

During the battle of Fort Donelson the regiment was in the fort 
supporting the water batteries, under command of the gallant Captain 
Reuben Ross, Thos. H. Beaumont, and B. G. Bidwell, until Saturday 
evening, February 15, 18(52, when the Federals captured our works 
on the right, and were rapidlj^ advancing upon the fort. Col. Bailey, 
then commanding the fort, promptly ordered the Forty-ninth and Fif- 
tieth Tennessee regiments to attack the enemy, which was gallantly 
done, and the enemy driven back to the woks. In this attack Lieu- 
tenant-colonel Alfred Robb, of the Forty- ninth Tennessee, was mor- 
tally wounded by the side of Col. Bailey, his old law partner. No 
braver or better soldier or man ever died. He went into the battle 
upon a large white horse, and being himself a very large man, was a 
fine target for the sharp-shooters. He was shot through the breast by 
one of these, and when shot put his hand on his breast, and saying he 
was shot, started to the rear. Several men followed him, and he would 
have fallen from his horse in fifty yards but for their assistance. The 
men managed to get him to his quarters. During the night he was 
carried to the boats at Dover to be sent to Clarksville with the other 
wounded. Two boats were at the wharf, one fastened to the bank and 
the other on the side of this boat. He was placed on the first boat to 
be carried through to the second; in crossing from the one boat to the 
other the boats separated— the men holding his legs let loose and his 
body fell into the river, and he would have been drowned had it not 
been for his faithful old colored servant (uncle Abram Robb) who, 
holding his arms, pulled him into the boat. He died at his home Feb- 
ruary 17, 1862. Uncle Abraham still lives, respected by both white and 
black. 



IM. A. T.— 552-553. The author is not mentioned in the list of regimental officers 
given, but mentions himself as having been A. A. A. G. of Quarles' Brigade in 1864. Cf. 
Report Col. Bailey, R. R. 7—391. 



128 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

We were surrendered with the army on February 16, and sent to 
prison — the field officers to Fort Warren, and the officers to Johnson's 
Island, and the privates to Camp Douglas, Chicago, 111. 

The privates were exchanged September 17, 1862, at Vicksburg, 
Miss., where they met their officers, who had been exchanged in Vir- 
ginia. The regiment was reorganized at Clinton, Miss., September 29, 
1962, when Col. James E. Bailey was again elected Colonel. 



Fiftieth Tennessee Infantry^ 
(Colonel Sugg) 

By C. W. Tyler, Clarksville, Tenn. 

In the early fall of 1861 a few companies of infantry under com- 
mand of Col. Randall W. McGavock, of Nashville, were stationed at 
Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River, about thirty miles below 
Clarksville, Tenn. This command was known as McGavock's bat- 
talion, and was the nucleus of the Fiftieth Tennessee Regiment, which 
afterwards became the garrison regiment at Donelson. Lieut. J. H. 
Holmes was the Adjutant of this battalion; Clay Roberts, Quartermas- 
ter; Thomas Shameral, Commissary; and Lieut. George W. Pease, a 
gallant young Pennsyivanian, who had left home and cume South just 
previous to the breaking out of the war, was acting by appointment of 
governor Harris as drill master of the raw troops. Although he was 
a stranger and from the North, this young man soon became very popu- 
lar with all the soldiers. He served with the regiment during the en- 
tire war, and rose to the rank of Lieutenant-colonel. For the brave 
stand he took in behalf of the South, his father disinherited him; and 
after the war, his family, except one sister, refused to see him or allow 
him to visit them. He died in Memphis, Tennessee, in 1874 or 1875. 

On the night of November 19th, 1861, at 10 o'clock, the company 
to which I belonged (afterwards Co. E, of the Fiftieth) left Clarksville 
for Fort Donelson to join McGavock's battalion. At 2 o'clock the 
next morning we reached the landing at Donelson, and climed the 
muddy hill to the fort, prepared to play our part in the great drama. 

From time to time other companies were added to ours, and at 
length on Christmas day, 1861, we organized as a regiment by the elec- 
tion of field officers. * * * 

We had built log-huts and gone into winter-quarters inside the 
fort, and were quite comfortable. Our friends in Clarksville sent us 
good things by nearly every boat; and some of the companies of the 
regiment were raised in the immediate vicinity of the fort, and their 
friends and relatives visited them frequently'. 

On January 19th, 1862, we marched to Fort Henry, twelve miles 
across the country, on the Tennessee River. We returned in about 
ten days, and on February 6th were ordered back, but learned of the 

1 From M.A.T.— 558. Cf. Report Col. Head, Brigade Commander, R. R. 7-377. 



FIFTIETH TENNESSEE INFANTRY 129 

surrender of the fort and of our brigade commander, Gen. Tilghman, 
before we reached it. 

On the 11th Forrest's battalion of cavah'y had a fight near Fort 
Donelson, kiUing two or three Federals and capturing one. This man 
when brought in was a show. He was the first man in blue uniform 
we had ever seen, but the sight of them soon became common enough. 

During the battle of Fort Donelson, which took place February 
14th and 15th, 1862, the regiment remained most of the time in the fort. 
Capt. Beaumont's company (A) was detailed to man the heavy guns at 
the river, and had a terrific artillery duel with the enemy's gun-boats, 
finally driving them back and foiling them in their efforts to pass tlie 
fort. Lieut. W. C. Allen, of Capt. Beaumont's company, was compli- 
mented in an official report for his gallantry on this occasion. 

On the evening of the 15th four companies — B, C, D, and E — 
were sent out to reenforce Col. Roger Hanson's Second Kentucky 
Regiment, which had been literally cut to pieces. The Forty-ninth 
Tennessee was with us, and Lieut. -Col. Alfred Robb of tliat regiment 
was killed on the occasion. That night about 12 o'clock we evacuated 
the fort and marched up to Dover, two miles. There we stood shiver- 
ing in the cold for hours, while the three CJenerals — Buckner, Floyd, 
and Pillow— held a council of war in the old hotel on the river-bank. 
The enemy's camp-fires blazed brightly all around us, and looked 
cheerful enough as we stamped our feet in the snow. We expected 
orders to cut our way through them, but instead we were ordered back 
to the fort, and reached it just before daylight. In a short while a 
courier came from General Buckner to Colonel Sugg with an order to 
raise a white flag over the fort. Curses both loud and deep followed 
this intelligence. There was no white flag in the regiment, nobody 
expecting to need one, but Ordnance Sergeant R. L. Cobb had a white 
sheet, which was run up at daylight. Nearly half the regiment escaped 
from the fort. All the field officers, and about five hundred and fifty 
others, remained and were surrendered. The regimental officers were 
sent to Fort Warren, the company officers to Johnson's Island, and the 
non-commissioned oflacers and privates to Camp Douglas, Chicago. 
All that summer they remained in prison. On September 18, 1862, the 
regiment was exchanged at Vicksburg, Miss., and officers and men 
once more met on the soil of the Confederacy. 



Porter's Battery' 

By John W. Morton, Nashville, Tenn. 



BATTLE OF FORT DONELSON 



The company marched with Gen. Buckner 's division to Fort 
Donelson, at which place it arrived on the evening of the 12th of Febru- 
ary, 1861, where it fired its first gun and made its first record. It was 



1 From M. A. T.— 855. 



130 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

assigned to position on the right center of the outer works, supported 
by tlie Fourteenth Mississippi Regiment (Baldwin's) immediately 
around the guns, the Third Tennessee (Brown's) on the left, and the 
Eighteenth Tennessee (Palmer's) on the right. Col. Cook's Thirty- 
second Tennessee was to the left of Brown, and Hanson's Second 
Kentucky was on the right of Palmer. The position occupied by the 
battery was exposed right, left, and front, being at the apex of the 
angle in the woiks, formed where the intrenchinents turn in passing 
from the river above Dover around westerly to the water-batteries. 

The writer, in company with Gov. James D. Porter and Maj. W. F. 
Foster, visited the battle-grounds at Fort Donelson in 1878; and, after 
a careful survey of the entire line of works and the water -batteries, 
a map was prepared by Major Foster, who was formerly the efficient 
Chief Engineer of Stewart's Confederate Corps, Army of Tennessee. 

The space to be defended was almost quadrangular in shape, di- 
vided into two parts by Indian Creek, which was filled by an almost 
impassable backwater. The ground between the valleys was a rugged, 
hilly upland, covered with a dense undergrowth. The defenses for 
light artillery were very meager. Porter, Graves, and Maney had 
their men constantly exposed when in action. The timber south of 
the fort had been felled, which, with the ravines and valleys flooded 
with backwater, greatly retarded and embarrassed the movements of 
the Confederates within the advanced works. These works were un- 
finished and defective. 

The Federals had moved with rapid but cautious step, and at sun- 
down on the 12th had wound their coils completely around the Con- 
federate works without resistance, save a little artillery -firing by the 
opposing batteries and some sharp and deadly shots from Bei-ge's well- 
trained sharp-shooters, which caused a suspension of work on the 
Confederate trenches. 

Our first night in the ditches in the presence of the enemy was 
balmy and spring like. The stars twinkled with unusual brightness, 
the moon beamed with tranquil light upon the sleeping hosts, and not 
a sound was heard save a shot from some stray picket, the seemingly 
peaceful prelude to the storm of hail and deadly strife so soon to 
follow. 

The dawn of the 13th was ushered in by the boom of the Federal 
artillery and the sharp crack of the skirmisher's rifle, which hastily 
brought the boys in gray to their feet, provoking a spirited artillery- 
fire all along the front. There was a great deal of coquetting along 
the lines by the Federals. As early as eight o'clock Gen. Cook sallied 
forth against the right center with his Iowa boys, but found the music 
and its accompaniment from Graves's and Porter's batteries too warm 
for comfort, and soon retired behind a neighboring hill. The artillery 
of the enemy assaulted the center of the Confederate left, which was 
promptly responded to by the artillery on that part of the line. For 
over two hours a spirited artillery-fire was kept up along the entire 
line, when about eleven o'clock McClernand's hoosier boys made a 



PORTER'S BATTERY 131 

dashing charge on the prominence occupied by Maney's battery, sup- 
ported by Heiman's brigade but were repulsed. They made two other 
desperate efforts to carry Heiman's position, but were forced to retire 
before the storm of shell and canister poured into their ranks from 
Porter's, Graves's, and Maney's batteries, and the hail of bullets from 
our infantry. 

Col. John C. Brown, in his official report, says: "Capt. Graves, 
in less than ten minutes, knocked one of the enemy's guns from its 
carriage, and almost at the same moment the gallant Porter disabled 
and silenced the other.'' It was during this assault that the young and 
brave Albert S. Fall, gunner in Porter's Battery, lost his life. He was 
handling his gun with great coolness and skill, when the writer, who 
was within a few feet of him admii'ing the quiet and determined man- 
ner in which he was aiming his gun, suddenly saw him drop his head 
forward on the breech of the piece, a Minie-ball having penetrated his 
skull, killing him instantly. 

While these assaults and sorties were being conducted on the left 
and center, Gen. C. P. Smith was not altogether idle. He made three 
distinct charges upon Hanson's position, which were pushed, as Jordan 
says, "with more spirit than judgement, and were readily repulsed by 
Hanson's and Palmer's regiments and Porter's Battery." 

The weather thus far had been unusually mild and pleasant for 
the season, but on Thursday afternoon a driving rain-storm of sleet 
and snow set in, with a keen, icy north wind which made the cold so 
excessive that soldiers of both sides suffered intensely. The half -clad 
Confederates were only kept from freezing by the continued work 
throughout the night strengthening the intrenchments. No one 
knows the terrible discomfort and horrible suffering of that fearful 
night so well as the hungry and exhausted soldiers of both armies. 
The morning of the 14th came with two inches of snow and a con- 
tinued chilly north wind. The lines were all readjusted. No assault 
was made, though a rambling fire from the artillery and sharp-shooters 
was kept up all along the lines through the day. 

At three p.m. a furious cannonade by the fleet of gun-boats was 
made on the water batteries, and although terrific and at short range 
no damage was done our batteries; but the heavy charges from our 
guns with wonderful accuracy went crashing through the iron and 
massive timbers with such resistless force, causing slaughter and de- 
struction throughout the fleet, that the defiant gun-boats were forced 
to retire down the river badly crippled and vanquished. It is said that 
the five gun-boats received no less than one hundred and forty severe 
hits from the Confederate guns. Fifty-four Federals in the fleet were 
killed and wounded, and not a Confederate hurt. The hitherto invin- 
cible iron-clads worsted and driven back greatly elated the Confede- 
rates. 

It had been decided in a council of general officers on the night of 
the 14th to attack the enemy's right at daylight on the 15th, and open 
communications with Charlotte in the direction of Nashville. This 



132 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

movement had become necessary in consequence of the vastly superior 
and constantly increasing force of the enemy, who liad already com- 
pletely invested our works, and the uncertainty of Confederate reen- 
forcements — in fact, none were expected, on the contrary. General 
Albert Sidney Johnston had ordered a withdrawalof the troops in case 
the works could not be held. Gen. Pillow in person took charge of the 
extreme left of the Confederate lines. Gen.Bushrod R. Johnson, com- 
manding the center, was directed to move out of the trenches with his 
division, except Heiman's brigade, which was ordered to extend its 
lines and hold the works occupied by Johnson. Gen. Buckner. was 
ordered to attack the enemy's right center, leaving Head's Thirtieth 
Tennessee to hold his works. 

At five A.M. Gen. Pillow hotly engaged the enemy with Baldwin's 
brigade, which was soon followed by Gen. B. R. Johnson's division. 
Porter's Battery, with Buckner's division, was held in reserve to cover 
the rear of the withdrawing army where the Wynn's Ferry road crosses 
the Confederate intrenchments, and did not become engaged until 
about nine a.m. The fight was hotly contested all along this part of 
the line. The Confederates, with great vigor and courage, were able 
to turn the Federal right and press it back upon its center, thus open- 
ing up the Wynn's Ferry road to enable the army to withdraw. Gen. 
Pillow, greatly elated at the victory, ordered Gen. Buckner to hasten 
to his old lines on the Confederate right, which were now in great 
peril from an attack by the veteran C. F. Smith. Gen. Buckner de- 
clined to obey, as he did not consider Gen. Pillow superior in command, 
but urged upon Gen. Floyd to carry out the original plan of evacuation. 
After some delay, and a good deal of vacillation on the pai-t of Floyd, 
Buckner directed his division to reoccupy their old works. While 
this was being accomplished, Gen. C. F. Smith in person led six stout 
regiments upon Hanson's works, which were now defended by the 
gallant Turner with only three companies of Head's regiment. Tur- 
ner fell back some hundred yards to the crest of a ridge, where 
he was joined by Hanson. Brown had partially reoccupied his old 
position to the left of Hanson, and by the rapid and galling cross-fire 
from the Third and Eighteenth Tennessee regiments, aided by the 
guns of Porter's Battery, the line was saved, which prevented the 
water-batteries from being captured that evening. Bailey's, Suggs's, 
and Quai'les's regiments very soon reenforced this new line, and one 
section of Graves's battery, under the personal direction of the heroic 
Graves, took position at the intersection of the new with the old 
lines, and as usual was most conspicuous for its effective work. Mor- 
ton's section of Porter's Battery, which had been delayed in reaching 
its former position, was promptly thrown into action to the left of 
Graves, under a heavy fire. The horses were shot down and the guns 
run into place by hand. Until dark the desperate conflict raged. Lieut. 
Hutchison, of Porter's Battery, was severely shot through the neck. 
Lieut. Culbertson of the same battery, was hit; and the gallant Capt. 
Thomas K. Porter, who, Hanson said, "always directed his guns at the 



PORTER'S BATTERY 133 

right time and to the right place," was disabled by a severe and dan- 
gerous wound, and was born from the field. Capt. Porter's marked 
coolness and dash, and the efficient and inlelligent manner in which he 
handled his guns, elicited the unbounded admiration of all who saw 
him. While being carried bleeding from the field, he said to me, 
"Don't let them have the guns, Morton." I replied, "No, Captain; not 
while I have one man left," little mindful that my apprehensions 
would be so neai-ly carried out. The cannoneers had been greatly re- 
duced by frost-bites, wounds, and deaths, until toward the close of 
this engagement I had only three men left at one gun. One of these 
was wounded and left where he fell, we being unable to remove him 
at the moment. Pat Kine, acting number one, who was always at his 
post, seeing the dead and wounded lying thick around us, impelled 
by that generous and gallant nature and impulsive disposition so char- 
acteristic of the Irish race, threw himself in front of me saying: Lieu- 
tenant, Lieutenant, get lower down the hill, or they will kill you;" and 
actually embraced me, as if to make a shield of himself to the enemy's 
bullets for my protection. I replied: "No, Pat; let us give them one 
more round.'' He promptly seized hisramming-staff and while in the 
actof driving the charge home, was shot through theheartand dropped 
underneath his gun. Night soon closed the bloody combat. 

Porter's Battery, from its active participation in the four-days' 
conflict, its advanced and exposed position, lost eight men killed out- 
right and twenty-five wounded, making a total in killed and wounded 
of thirty-three out of forty-eight officers and men engaged actively 
at the guns. The remainder of the company were drivers, teamsters, 
and artificei'S, and, with the horses, were protected in a ravine at some 
distance from the battery. 

After recovering from the protracted confinement occasioned by 
his wound Capt. Porter returned to the army, and was assigned to 
duty as Chief of Artillery to Buckner's division, and afterwards held 
the same position on Cleburne's staff. He was wounded at Hoover's 
Gap, and upon recovery was transferred to the Confederate Navy as 
executive officer of the "Florida." After the war he commanded a 
California merchant-steamer, and died in 1869. 

The teamsters and drivers of the battery escaped with Lieut. Burt, 
as they were near by, and dropped in with Forrest's cavalrj-, all of 
whom left the works before day of the morning of the surrender. I, 
with some twelve or fifteen men, suffered seven months' confinement 
at the Alton, Camp Chase, and Johnson's Island prisons. When ex- 
changed in the fall of 1862, at Jackson, Miss., I got permission to report 
with my little squad to Gen. Bragg at Murfreesboro, who at my re- 
quest ordered me to report to Gen. Forrest, where the Porter Battery 
was reorganized and known throughout Forrest's campaigns as Mor- 
ton's battery. 



134 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

Casualties at Fort Henry' 

Company B, First Tennessee Light Artillery 

Boswell, Hiram "'i 

Douglas, John | 

Kalichan, James } killed in action at Fort Henry, Feb. 6, 1862. 

Lee, Michael | 

McCabe, Edward I 

Renfro, William, killed at Fort Henry, Feb. 11, 1862. 

Garner, R., died of wounds received at Fort Henry. Aug. 7, 1862. 

Jones, C. C, died at Alton, 111., Feb. 27, 1862.- 

Carter. Henry, died at Alton. 111., March 3, 1862.- 

Jones, T. L.. died at Alton, 111., March 20, 1862.^ 



Fight Between the Batteries and Gunboats at Fort Donelson^ 

By H. L. Bedford 

[ The following paper was read before the Confederate Relief and 
Historical Association at Memphis, and was kindly sent us for pub- 
lication:] 

In compliance with your request to furnish your Society with in- 
cidents connected with the battle between the batteries and the gun- 
boats at Fort Donelson, I respectfully offer this paper: 

The reports of Colonel James E. Bailej', commander of the garri- 
son proper^, and of Captain Jacob Culbertson, commander of the water 
batteries'', are correct, and. as official documents, I suppose are com- 
plete; but they do not convey to the reader the disadvantages under 
which the batteries labored in this contest. The operations of the 
army at this place having proved disastrous to the Confederate cause, 
it has been condemned as a strategic point, and no one seems particu- 
larly anxious to acknowledge the responsibility of its selection. It 
was the general impression at the Fort that its location had been 
ordered by the Tennessee authorities as being the most eligible point 
on the Cumberland River, in close proximity to Fort Henry, on the 
Tennessee. The original intention evidently was the obstruction of 
the Cumberland. The engineer in charge, Lieutenant Dixon, while 
tracing the outlines of the earthworks, never dreamed that a persistent 
stand against an invading army would ever be attempted, and I feel 
warranted in suggesting that General A. S. Johnston regarded it simply 
as a protection to his i-ear. 

When I received orders in October, 1861, to report there as In- 
structor of Artillery, Colonel E. W. Munford, aide to General Johnston, 
informed me that he was instructed by his chief to impress upon me 
that the Cumberland river cut his rear, and the occupation of Bowling 
Green was dependent upon the proper guarding of that stream. If, 

1 From M. A. T.— 871. 

2 May have been from wounds or from exposure. 

3 From Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol. XIII— 165. 

4 R. R. 7—391. 5 R. R. 7—392. 



FORT DONELSON HEAVY ARTILLERY 135 

then, Fort Donelson was intended to prevent the passage of gunboats, 
its location was an admirable one; it accomplished its mission, and its 
founder need feel no hesitation in claiming its paternity. Nor does 
the final result of the operations of the land forces necessarily convict 
General Johnston of a mistake in the reinforcement of Donelson. At 
that time he was believed to possess that ability as a general which 
events soon verified, and his condemnation will have to rest on surer 
proofs than the charges of flippant writers. To the average mind the 
whole matter resolves itself into the simple question : Whether Gen- 
eral Johnston sufficiently reinforced Fort Donelson to successfully re- 
sist the forces that invaded the State of Tennessee under General Grant 
by way of Fort Henry; and, if so, is he fairly cliargeable with the blun- 
ders of his generals, in allowing themselves to be cooped in temporary 
trenches until reinforcements to the enemy could come up the Cum- 
berland? Any close student of the "Operations at Fort Donelson," 
embraced in series No. 1, Vol. 7, of the "Records of the Rebellion," will 
probably detect by whom the mistakes were made. It is doubtless 
there recoi'ded when and where the opportunity of withdrawing the 
Confederate forces was disregarded; that General Johnston was un- 
fortunate in the selection, or rather the grouping of his lieutenants, on 
this occasion, is beyond controvers}'. His army consisted of raw 
recruits; his generals were ready made for him; their commissions 
were presumptions of merit; there had been no opportunity for de- 
velopment, and he had no alternative but to accept the patents of 
ability issued to them by the War Department. The senior general 
arrived at the eleventh hour, and seems to have been lacking in dispo- 
sition or in power to hold his second in due subjection. The latter had 
been on the ground for about a week; he was full of energj'^ and 
physical activity, and possessed rare executive ability. He was rest- 
less under restraint, probably prone to insubordination, and it was 
almost impossible for him to yield his scepter to a new comer. He 
gave orders affecting the whole army without any known rebuke or 
remonstrance from his chief. The performances of these two chieftains 
afford an apt illustration of a very homely old saying that will readily 
recur to most of you. This rule of duality of commanders, according 
to some of the official reports, seems to have obtained in the heavy 
batteries, but as it was not then known or recognized, it did not create 
any confusion. W^hen I reported there for duty very little in the way 
of defence had been accomplished. Two 32-pounder carronades had 
been mounted on the river, and three 32-pounders were temporarily 
mounted on the crest of the bluff. ' The carronades were utterly useless, 
except against wooden boats at close quarters, while the three guns 
on the hill, on account of position, could not be made effectual against 
ironclads. The garrison, in command of Lieutenant-Colonel Randle 
McGavock, consisted of a part of Colonel Heiman's Tenth Tennessee 
regiment, the nucleus of Colonel Sugg's Fiftieth Tennessee (then called 
Stacker's regiment), and Captain Frank Maney's light battery. 



136 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

As there were no heavy artillerists, Captain Beaumont's company 
of Fiftieth Tennessee had been detailed for that duty. At the time of 
my arrival, there was considerable excitement at the Fort. Smoke 
was seen rising a few miles down the river, the long-roll was being 
beat, and there was hurrying to and fro; companies were getting 
under arms and into line with the rapidity of zealots, though wanting 
in the precision of veterans. The excitement subsided as the smoke 
disappeared. In a short while the companies were dismissed, and the 
men resumed their wonted avocations. The local engineer was also 
in charge of the works at Fort Henry, and was, necessarily, -often 
absent. His duties were onerous and manifold; I. therefore, volun- 
teered to remount the three 32-pounders and place them in the per- 
manent battery; and as the completion of the defence was considered 
of more importance than the drilling of artillery, I was kept constantly 
on engineering duty until after the investment. General Tilghman 
arrived about the middle of December, and took command. He mani- 
fested a good deal of interest in forwarding the work. The Fiftieth 
Tennessee regiment (Colonel Suggs) was organized; the Thirtieth 
Tennessee (Colonel Head), and the Forty-ninth Tennessee (Colonel 
Bailey), reported, and these, with Maney's light battery, constituted 
the garrison, Lieutenant-Colonel McGavock having rejoined Colonel 
Hieman at Fort Henry. 

The work for the completion of the defences and for the comfort 
of the soldiers, was pushed on as rapidly as the means at hand would 
permit. There was no lagging, nor lukewarmness, nor shirking of 
duty. As one of the many evidences of tlie zeal manifested by the 
garrison, I would state that whenever a detail for work of any magni- 
tude was made from any of the regiments, a field officer usually 
accompanied it, in order to secure promptness and concert of action. 
This, I believe, was the invariable rule with the Fortj^-ninth Ten- 
nessee. At the time of the arrival of reinforcements, the water 
batteries were not in that state of incompleteness and disorder which 
the report of a general officer charges, nor was there any gloom or 
despondency hanging over the garrison'. It is true there was some 
delay in getting the 10-inch (-olumbiad in working condition, but no 
one connected with the Fort was responsible for it. The gun was 
mounted in ample time, but upon being tested it came very nearly 
being dismounted by the running back of the carriage against the 
hurters. It was necessary to increase the inclination of the chassis, 
Avhich was accomplished by obtaining larger rear traverse wheels from 
the iron works just above Dover. It was still found, even with a re- 
duced charge of powder, that the recoil of the carriage against the 
counter-hurters was of sufficient force to cut the ropes tied there as 
bumpers. There was no alternative but to dismount the piece and 
lower the front half of the traverse circle; by this means the inclina- 
tion of the chassis was made so steep that the piece was in danger of 

1 See Report Pillow, R. R. 7—278. 



FORT DONELSON HEAVY ARTILLERY 137 

getting away from the gunners when being run into battery, and of 
toppling off in front. 

Any paper upon the subject of Fort Donelson would be incomplete 
without the mention of Lieutenant-Colonel Wilton A. Haynes, of the 
Tennessee artillery. He was, in the nomenclature of the volunteers, 
a "West Pointer," and was an accomplished artillerist. He came to 
Fort Donelson about the middle of Januai-y, and found the "Instructor 
of Artillery" engaged in engineering duty, and nothing being done in 
familiarizing the companies detailed for artillery service with their 
pieces. He organized an artillery battalion, and made a requisition on 
General Polk, at Columbus, for two drill officers, and whatever of pro- 
ficiency these companies attained as artillerists is due to him. He was 
physically unable to participate in the engagements and this may ac- 
count for the failure of recognition in the official reports. 

The artillery battalion as organized by Colonel Haynes was fully 
competent to serve the guns with success, but General Pillow deemed 
otherwise and px'oceeded to the mistake of assigning Lieutenant Dixon 
to the command of the heavy batteries, instead of attaching him to his 
personal staff, and availing himself of that officer's familiarity as an 
engineer with the topography of the battle-ground and of the sur- 
rounding country. The assignment was particularly unfortunate, 
inasmuch as Dixon was killed before the main fight and the batteries 
were not only deprived of his services for that occasion, but the Con- 
federate army lost an able engineer. It must be remembered, however, 
that the great fear was of the gunboats. It was apprehended that their 
recent achievements at Fort Henry would be repeated at Donelson, 
and it was natural that the commanding general should make every 
other interest subservient to the efficiency of the heavy batteries. The 
river defenses consisted of two batteries. The upper one was on the 
river bank immediately abreast of the earthworks; It was crescent 
shaped, and contained one 3'2-pound calibre rifie gun and two 32-pounder 
carronades. The other battery was some hundred and fifty yards lower 
down and consisted of eight 32-pounders and one 10-ineh Columbiad. 
This lower battery, although essentially a straight line, ran en echelon 
to the left over the point of a hill that made down obliquely from the 
earthworks to the river, witli the right piece resting on the brink of 
the river bank, and the Columbiad over in the valley of a stream, 
emptying into the river, some hundred and fifty yards lower down. 
The back water in this stream protected the batteries from a direct 
assault. About nine hundred yards below the lower batter}^, a floating 
abattis was placed in the I'iver for the purpose of preventing the pas- 
sage of boats. This was done by anchoring full length trees by the 
roots and allowing the tops to float. In ordinary stages of water this 
might have offered some impediment, but at the time of the attack the 
river was very high and the boats passed over without the least halt 
or break in their line of approach. 

In all the accounts that I have seen from the Federal side, the 
armament of the water batteries is over-estimated. Flag-Offlcer Foot 



138 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

reports that there must have been about twenty heavy guns, and 
General Lew Wallace places it at seventeen. Admiral Walke, while 
correctly slating the number in the lower battery, is in error in claim- 
ing that the upper was about the same in strength. 

On the morning of the 12th of February the finishing touches were 
put to the Columbiad, and the batteries were pronounced ready for 
gunboats, whereupon Lieutenant Dixon proceeded to the assignment 
of the guns. Captain R. R. Ross, of the Maury Company Light 
Artillery, whose company had been ordered to heavy batteries by 
General Pillow, was placed in command of the rifle gun and the two 
carronades. Captain Beaumont's company, A, Fiftieth Tennessee, 
and Captain Bidwell's company. Thirtieth Tennessee, worked the 
32-pounders, and the Columbiad was turned over to my command, 
with a detachment of twenty men under Lieutenant Sparkman, from 
Captain Ross's company, to work it. I received private instructions 
to continue the firing with blank cartridges, in the event the gun should 
dismount itself in action. The drill officers. Lieutenants McDaniel and 
Martin, were assigned to the 32-pounders, while Captains Culbertson 
and Shaster had special assignments or instructions, the nature of 
which I never knew. 

As the artillerists, who were to serve the rifle and Columbiad, had 
no experience with heavy guns, most of them probably never having 
seen a heavy baotery until that morning, it was important that they 
should be instructed in the manual of their pieces. Drilling, therefore, 
began immediately, but had continued for a short time only when it 
was most effectually interrupted by the appearance of a gunboat down 
theriver, which subsequently was ascertained to be the Carondelet. She 
fired about a dozen shots with remarkable precision, and retired 
without any response from the batteries. 

On the morning of the 13th drilling was again interrupted by the 
firing of this boat, and the same thing happened in the afternoon. It 
really appeared as if the boat was diabolically inspired, and knew the 
most opportune times to annoy us. Sometime during the day, probably 
about noon, she delivered her fire with such accuracy that forbearance 
was no longer endurable, and Lieutenant Dixon ordered the Columbiad 
and rifle to respond. The first shot from the Columbiad passed imme- 
diately over the boat, the second fell short, but the third was distinctly 
heard to strike. A cheer of course followed, and Lieutenant Dixon, in 
the enthusiasm of the moment, ordered the 32-pounders to open fire, 
although the enemy was clearly beyond^their range. The Carondelet, 
nothing dannted, continued the action, and soon one of her shells cut 
away the I'ight cheek of one of Captain Bidwell's guns, and a flying 
nut passed through Lieutenant Dixon's head, killing him instantly. In 
this engagement the flange of one of the front traverse wheels of the 
Columbiad was crushed, and a segment of the front half of the traverse 
circle was cupped, both of which proved serious embarrassments in the 
action next day. 



FORT DONELSON HEAVY ARTILLERY 139 

On the morning of the 14th, dense volumes of smoke were seen 
rising from down the river; it was evident that transports were land- 
ing troops. Captain Ross became impatient to annoy them, but having 
no fuse shells to his guns, he came over to the Columbiad and advised 
the throwing of shells down the river. The commander declined to do 
so without orders, whereupon Captain Culbertson, who had succeeded 
Lieutenant Dixon in the command of the batteries, was looked up, but 
he refused to give the order, upon the ground that it would accomplish 
no good, and that he did not believe in the useless shedding of blood. 
Captain Ross, not to be outdone, set himself to the task of procuring 
the necessary order and returned to the Columbiad about 3 o'clock P. M. 
with a verbal order from General Floyd to harass the transports. In 
obedience to this order, we prepared to shell the smoke. A shell was 
inserted, the gun was given the proper elevation, the lanyard was 
pulled, and the missile went hissing over the bend of the river, plunged 
into a bank of smoke, and was lost to view. This was called by an army 
correspondent, claiming to have been on one of the gunboats, "a shot 
of defiance." Before the piece could be reloaded, the prow of a gun- 
boat made its appearance around- the bend, quickly followed by three 
others, and arranging themselves in line of battle, steamed up to the 
attack. When they had arrived within a mile and a half of the batteries, 
a solid shot having been substituted for a shell, the Columbiad began 
the engagement with a ricochet shot, the rifle gun a ready second. 
The gunboats returned the fire, right centre boat opening, the others 
following in quick succession. After the third discharge the rifle re- 
mained silent on account of becoming accidentally spiked. This had a 
bad effect on the men at the Columbiad, causing them considerable 
uneasiness for their comrades at the upper battery. The Columbiad 
continued the action unsupported until the boats came within the range 
of the 32-pounders, when the engagement became general, with ten 
guns of the batteries opposed to the twelve bow guns of the ironclads, 
supplemented by those of the two wooden boats that remained in the 
rear throwing curvated shells. As the boats drew nearer, the firing on 
both sides became faster, until it appeared as if the battle had dwindled 
into a contest of speed in firing. When they arrived within three 
hundred yards of the lower battery they caine to a stand, and then it 
was that the bombardment was truly terrific. The roar of cannons was 
continuous and deafening, and commands, if necessary, had to be given 
by signs. Pandemonium itself would hardly have been more appalling, 
but neither chaos nor cowardice obtruded themselves, and I must insist 
that General Wallace and Admii-al Walke are mistaken in their asser- 
tions that the gunners were seen running from tlieir guns.> It is true 
there was some passing fi-om the batteries to the Fort, but not by the 
artillerists in action, and as the passage was over an exposed place, in 
fact across the field of fire of the gunboats, it is a fair presumption that 
the transit. was made as swiftly as possible. Of one thing I am certain, 
there was no fleeing from the Columbiad, and although her discharges 

1 See B. & L., 1—413, 434. 



140 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

were necessarily very slow, I think every one in hearing that day will 
testify that her boom was almost as regular as the swinging of a pen- 
dulum. If these two Federal officers saw her condition when surren- 
dered, they will admit that it was not likely that panic-stricken 
cannoniers could have carried her safely through such a furious bom- 
bardment, especially to have done the execution with which she is 
accredited. In his contribution to the Century, of December, 1884, 
doubtless by the cursory reading of Captain Bidwell's report, General 
Wallace is lead into the mistake of saying that each gunner selected 
his boat and stuck to her during the engagement. I am satisfied that 
the experienced officers who acted as gunners did not observe this 
rule. The Columbiad was rigidly impartial, and fired on the boats as 
chance or circumstances dictated, with the exception of the last few 
shots, which were directed at the Carondelet. This boat was hugging 
the eastern shore, and was a little in advance of the others. She offered 
her side to the Columbiad, which was on the left and the most advanced 
gun of the batteries. Several well-directed shots raked the side and 
tore away her armor, according to the report of Lieutenant Sparkman, 
who was on the lookout. Just as the other boats began to drift back, 
the Carondelet foi'ged ahead for about a half length, as though she in- 
tended making the attempt to pass the battery, and it is presumable 
that she then received the combined fire of all the guns. 

It is claimed that if Hannibal had marclied on Rome immediately 
after the battle of Cannae, he could have taken the city, and by the 
same retrospective reasoning, it is probable that if Admiral Foote had 
stood beyond the range of 32-pounders he could have concentrated his 
fire on two guns. If his boats had fired with the deliberation and ac- 
curacy of the Carondelet on the previous day, he could have dismounted 
those guns, demolished the 32-pounders at his leisure, and shelled the 
Fort to his heart's content. But flushed with his victory at Fort Henry, 
his success there paved the way for his defeat at Donelson, a defeat 
that might have proved more disastrous could the Columbiad have 
used a full charge of powder and the rifle gun participated in the fight. 
After the battle three of the gunboats were seen drifting helplessly 
down the stream, and a shout of exultation leaped from the lips of 
every soldier in the fort. It was taken up by the men in the trenches, 
and for awhile a shout of victory, the sweetest strain to the ears of 
those who win, reverberated over the hills and hollows around the 
little village of Dover. 

While the cannoniers were yet panting from their exertion, Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Robb, of the Forty-ninth Tennessee, who fell mortally 
wounded the next day, ever mindful of the comfort of those around 
him, sent a grateful stimulant along the line of guns. Congratulations 
were the order of the hour. Generals Floyd and Pillow personally 
complimented the artillerists. They came to the Columbiad, called for 
the commander, and after congratulating him upon the performances 
of that day, promised that if the batteries would continue to keep back 
the gunboats, the infantry of their command would keep the land 



GOOCHLAND LIGHT ARTILLERY 141 

forces at a safe distance. That officer, who had been watching the 
smoke of the transports landing reinforcements, as he stood there be- 
fore these generals, just thirty -six hours before surrender, receiving 
their assurances of protection, wondered if they were able to fulfill the 
promise, or if they were merely indulging an idle habit of braggadocio. 

H. L. Bedford. 
Bailey, Shelby County, Tenn. 

The above and foregoing is a true copy of the original which was 
read and filed among the archives of said Association, December 9th, 
1884. 

C. W. Frazer, 
Attest: President. 

R. J. Black, Secretary. 



Movements of the Goochland Light Artillery, 
Captain John H. Quy' 

To the Editor of the Dispatch: 

On the 26th of December, 1861, in obedience to orders. Captain 
John H. Guy's Battery, the Goochland Light Artillery, left Dublin 
Depot, Pulaski county, Va., on the Virginia and Tennessee railroad, 
for General Al^^ert Sidney Johnston's army, in Kentucky. After much 
delay we reached Bowling Green, Januai'y 6, 1862, and pitcht d our tents 
about two miles west of that city. General Floyd's Brigade remained 
in camp nearly three weeks in daily expectation of an engagement 
with the enemy. However, no battle came off. It was reported that 
General Johnston's army, in the vicinity of Bowling Green, exceeded 
60,000 men. This report was without foundation, as was demonstrated 
by subsequent information. 

The latter part of January, 1862, General Johnston's command 
was ordered to other sections of country; the most of his army was 
sent to Shiloh, Miss.; General Floyd's Brigade to Russellville, Ky. My 
battery encamped here about ten days. * * * 

From Russellville, Ky., General Floyd's Brigade was sent to Fort 
Donelson, Tennessee. My battery proceeded to Clarksville, Tennessee, 
from which point we could occasionally hear the reports of heavy ar- 
tillery in the direction of Donelson, like mattering thunder in the 
distance. We remained here a day or two, and then marched to Cum- 
berland City, a small boat-landing on the river, from where we were 
conveyed by a steamer to Fort Donelson, leaving all our baggage be- 
hind, which we never saw again. We reached our destination Thursday 
evening, February 13, 1862. 

ANNOYED BY SHELLS 

Upon our arrival at the wharf, opposite a little village, Dover, 
situated on a hill, interspersed with small trees and overlooking the 

1 From S. H. S. P. XXIV— 316; reprinted txom. The Richmond Dispatch, February 
10, 1895. 



142 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

river, about six liundred yards east of the fort, the enemy annoyed us 
considerably at short intervals by shelling our steamer. The quarters 
were made rather uncomfortable for us. Occasionally a shell would 
explode before reaching the wharf, in the road, or the main street that 
leads up into the village, which caused some excitement and solicitude 
for a brief while. Only a few casualties, however, resulted. The 
enemy's position from where our steamer was being shelled was 
probably two miles and a half distant. Fragments of shell flew pro- 
miscuously about the steamer, though doing no material damage. 
While on the steamer I saw a piece of shell strike a pile of wood near 
the engine, scattering it in various directions. The engineer was 
knocked down, and escaped with slight injury. I was also struck on 
my chest with splintered wood, but was not injured. 

As soon as practicable we disembarked our cannon, &c., at once 
proceeded up the street, through the village, and filed to the right of 
our army, where we remained temporarily. As it was late in the 
evening, we did not obtain a position for our battery. Just as soon as 
the shadow of darkness came on we moved a short distance to the left 
and encamped that night in a ravine. 

The weather was very severe. It was raining, snowing, and 
freezing, accompanied by a sharp wind. With considerable diflSculty 
we succeeded in procuring some fuel to make fires to keep from freezing. 

We had no tents, and suffered intensely from exposure and want 
of adequate rations. We had to make fires to warm ourselves, occa- 
sionally, in ravines and places where the enemy could not observe the 
light from our fires. I understood that a number of soldiers froze to 
death in the breastworks. This condition confronted us while at 
Donelson. 

About 4 o'clock the next morning the battery was oi'dered on the 
left of the army. Owing to the proximity of the enemy this movement 
had to be executed with caution and as quietly as possible. Although 
the undertaking was one fraught with difficulty and danger, yet we 
succeeded in obtaining a position about the dawn of day, and hastily 
threw up light earthworks, which was very difficult to do in conse- 
quence of the frozen condition of the ground. During the daj- several 
of General Forrest's men, with improved firearms, came near our bat- 
tery and at once communicated with those fellows, who could be 
seen in trees, by means of leaden messengers, informing them that the 
position they occupied was totally at variance with our wishes. They 
soon took in the situation. Some descended with involuntary celerity, 
while others retired more hastily than they ascended. 

DESPERATE BATTLE 

On the evening of the 14th of February, 1862, the enemy's gun- 
boats made a desperate and powerful attack on Fort Donelson. The 
cannonading was terrific and incessant for several hours. Finally they 
were repulsed, sustaining great damage and loss of life. During the 
bombardment sohd shot from the gunboats often passed over and 



GOOCHLAND LIGHT ARTILLERY 143 

beyond our troops on the right, falling between the respective armies. 

Early Saturday morning, February 15, 1862, General Floyd's 
Brigade was ordered to assault the enemy on his riglat line of defence. 
This order was rather unexpected. Breakfast was being prepared at 
the time, and there was much confusion in camp. The battle soon 
began, and the rattle of musketry and boom of cannon continued until 
about 1 o'clock P. M. The enemy had superior numbers, and was fre- 
quently reinforced during the fight. The Confederates were con- 
tinuously engaged in the battle without relief or reinforcement, yet, 
under the disadvantages the enemy was driven back probably two 
miles, sustaining considerable loss, and the Confederates occupied his 
position. It may be mentioned that General Grant's headquarters 
tent was captured in this engagement with contents. This was a hard 
fought battle, every foot of ground being stubbornly contested. 

It was the intention of General Floyd to pursue the enemy. A 
gun from my battery, with my detachment, and other troops, was 
ordered in pursuit. After proceeding a short distance this order was 
countermanded, and we returned to our original position. The reason 
for this was, that in view of information received, tlie enemy having 
been heavily reinforced, the undertaking would have been hazardous, 
probably involving a great sacrifice on our part. It may not be inap- 
propriate to mention an incident which occurred about 10 o'clock that 
morning. 

BUCKNER RALLIED THEM 

During the battle a regiment of Confederate infantry wavered, but 
General S. B. Buckner soon rallied them. This happened about thirty 
paces to the left of my battery. The general's remarks on the occasion 
made an impression on those who heard him, and if I remember cor- 
rectly, he said, " Mississippians, look at those Virginians driving the 
enemy from our soil. Is it possible that you are going to leave them 
to do the flighting? No, never; your general will lead you," and he 
gallantly led them into action. 

Not many years ago I happened to meet General Buckner at the 
White Sulphur Springs, W. Va., and mentioned the foregoing to him. 
He remembered it well. Upon being asked what regiment it was he 
rallied on the occasion referred to, he replied the 14th Mississippi. 

REGAINED THE GUN 

Another incident happened that morning which may not be amiss 
to relate, though rather of a personal character. About 300 yards to 
the right of my battery, in an open field on a ridge, a section of artillery 
was actively engaged with the enemy's, when one of the cannoneers 
was instantly killed and others seriously wounded by a shot from the 
enemy's guns. The remainder of the detachment retired from their 
gun to the rear of the ridge, where a regiment of infantry was held in 
reserve. General Pillow, observing what had transpired, came up 
hurriedly to a detachment of my battery and inquired of us "where we 



144 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

were from." He was informed that we were from Virginia. He then 
said, "Will you follow me?" We replied that we were not afraid to 
follow him anywhere. He said, "Come on," and we followed him in 
double-quick time across the open field. The bullets flew thick and 
fast about us. I expected every moment to be either killed or 
wounded. We, however, in a brief time succeeded in reaching the de- 
serted gun. General Pillow at once directed the camion himself, and 
a few shots from us soon disabled the enemy's piece of artillery. This 
was "a consummation devoutly wished for." 

NUMBERS ENGAGED 

In view of the fact that the enemy had been heavily reinforced 
that evening, the Confederates, being much exhausted from con- 
tinuous fighting and want of rest, were compelled to fall back to the 
position they formerly occupied. Consequently the Federals regained 
the position they occupied that morning, late in the evening. 

According to the report that evening the Federals had upwards 
of 40,000 men on the field, while the Confederate army did not exceed 
13,000 available men. This statement was made in my presence by 
Generals Floyd and Pillow, on the steamer from Fort Donelson, to 
Nashville, Tennessee, February 16, 1862. 

Hostilities on our left had ceased, with the exception of occasional 
picket-firing, but late in the evening the enemy made repeated and 
vigorous assaults upon the right of the Confederate line of works. 
The fight was a desperate one and continued until darkness caused a 
cessation of hostihties. The enemy had gained some advantage. The 
Confederates lost part of their works near the fort. 

"GREEK MEETS GREEK" 

I was informed that evening during the battle, that two Kentucky 
regiments of infantry (both Second Kentucky), one Confederate and 
the other Federal, charged bayonets on each other. The conflict was 
desperate, neither gained any decided advantage over the other, though 
the loss on both sides was considerable. "When Greek meets Greek, 
then comes the tug of war." Strange as it may seem, it is said that 
these two regiments were commanded by brothers— Colonels Hanson. 
I mention the above incident because I think it worthy of remark, as 
similar instances were not of frequent occurrence during the late war. 

CAPITULATION 

That night a council of war was held by Generals Floyd, Pillow, 
and Buckner. This was, indeed, a critical condition of affairs. Owing 
to the peculiar situation of our army and the disparity of numbers, the 
enemy having more than three men to our one, it was deemed prudent 
to capitulate. Accordingly, General S. B. Buckner was selected to 
perform that duty, and he surrendered Fort Donelson to General U. S. 
Grant on the morning of the 16th of February, 1862. About 9,000 Con- 
federates were made prisoners on that memorable occasion. It may 



GOOCHLAND LIGHT ARTILLERY 145 

be proper to state that early in the morning before the surrender took 
place a large number of our soldiers were conveyed across the river 
and landed on the Tennessee side by a steamer and escaped being 
captured, and those captured were conveyed to Johnson's Island and 
Camp Douglass, 111. After remaining in prison nearly one year a large 
number of them were exchanged. The capture of Fort Donelson was 
one of General Grant's first important victoi'ies. 

Not knowing what had transpired during the night, while a com- 
rade and myself were sleeping comfortably on a bank of snow, laying 
upon nine or ten heavy blankets, and covered by an equal number, 
which we captured the preceding day on the battle-field, we were 
quietly aroused at daybreak by our captain, John H. Guy, who said to 
us that "we must get to the wharf at once; if we did not we would be 
left." Neither of us had the remotest conception that a surrender 
was about to take place. 

GETTING AWAY 

We arose from our quiet place of repose and packed our knap- 
sacks. Upon looking around we failed to see any of our troops. The 
works had been abandoned. The condition of affairs was not compre- 
hended by us. We, however, proceeded to the wharf, as directed, 
which was nearly two miles distant. The strange situation of our 
troops was discussed. Upon our arrival at the wharf we found assembled 
a large number of our soldiers, many of whom were much excited. I 
then saw a steamer of considerable dimensions landing some of our 
troops on the Tennessee side. I was ignorant of the cause of the 
peculiar proceedings going on at that time. I did not understand 
them; but very soon I fully comprehended the true condition of affairs 
and gravity of the situation, especially when I saw various kinds of 
provisions and munitions of war being thrown into the river, and I 
determined not to be captured, if there was any possible means of 
escape. The steamer General Anderson was just returning for another 
load of soldiers, and my only hope of escape was on the steamer. I 
anxiously awaited its return, but, instead of coming near me, as I ex- 
pected, it stopped about 100 yards above where I was standing. Several 
thousand soldiers had now congregated at the wharf, and the pos- 
sibility of my escape seemed very improbable. To force my way 
through this immense body of men was impossible. This was a pre- 
dicament, indeed, delay was dangerous. I at once resolved, if possible, 
to get on board of that steamer. The only chance was for me to wade 
the surging Cumberland river for some distance. Whether justifiable 
or not, I had a hori-id conception of being captured and subjected to 
the horrors of a prison pen. I proceeded to make my way in the 
direction of the steamer, keeping as near as possible to the bank of 
the river, though up to my waist in mud and water, and coming in 
contact with melting snow and ice the most of the time. After no 
little perseverence I succeeded in accomplishing my object, though 
before reaching the steamer I was nearly over my shoulders in the 



146 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

water, very cold, and much exhausted. On board of the steamer there 
happened to be a barrel of whiskey, which had been bayoneted by 
soldiers. I needed a stimulant, and at once procured some in a tin cup 
and drank it, then took a position by the engine and warmed and dried 
myself as thoroughly as possible. 

The members of my battery also came off on this steamer, one of 
whom, Private Perkins, was pulled out of the water into the steamer 
by a colored man 

The commotion among our soldiers at this time was very great, 
many of them were frantic with excitement, and attempted to get on 
board of the steamer, though failed to accomplish their object. 

GUNBOATS 

General Floyd stood on the deck of the steamer with his sabre 
drawn, exclaiming, "Come on, my brave Virginia boys.'" The steamer 
was soon filled to its utmost capacity. Just as the steamer moved from 
the landing General Floyd received information that the enemy's gun- 
boats were in sight, coming up the river. The engineer of the steamer 
was ordered to put on full head of steam and proceed up the river as 
speedily as possible. Thus Generals Floyd and Pillow made their 
escape from Fort Donelson aiid reached Nashville the next morning. 

The most of the 56th Virginia Infantry came off on this steamer. 
Lieutenant Thomas, of Company F, later captain, now Sergeant of the 
Police Court, Richmond Va., is one of the survivors of the old 56th 
Virginia Regiment. 

General Forrest, with his cavalry, succeeded in cutting their way 
out, and arrived at Nashville in a day or two. A member of my 
battery, W. M. Sharp, came off with his command. 

There was much interest and some excitement manifested by the 
people of Nashville in consequence of the fall of Fort Donelson. Hopes 
were entertained by many of the citizens that their city would be de- 
fended and not evacuated, and it was reported for several days that 
the Confederates would fortify Nashville, and not fall back further; 
but this idea, if ever contemplated, was abandoned. 

BACK TO VIRGINIA 

After remaining in this city nearly a week, orders were received 
for General Floyd and remainder of his command to proceed to Vir- 
ginia. The troops soon boarded the cars, and were conveyed to Mur- 
freesboro'. Near Murfreesboro', on the macadamized road, we (four 
of my battery) were fortunate enough to find two of our company's 
baggage-wagons. The baggage had been destroyed at Dover, Tenn. 
One of these wagons was loaded with coffee, and the other with some 
provisions brought from Nashville, which were subsequently turned 
over to the commissary at Norristown, Tenn. We were pleased to 
meet four members of our battery, who were left in charge of these 
wagons. During our travel through Tennessee, the people were very 
hospitable to us. We marched from there to Chattanooga, and en- 



NINTH BATTALION TENNESSEE CAVALRY 147 

camped about one week at the base of Lookout Mountain. We then 
took the cars to Knoxville, and remained here a week, and then 
marched across the Cumberland mountains to Morristown, Tenn., 
thence by rail to Virginia, and arrived in Abingdon, Va., the latter 
part of March, 1862. 

Upon our arrival in Abingdon we were much surprised on being 
informed that General Floyd had been relieved of his command by 
President Davis, and Colonel Stuart, of the Fifty-sixth Virginia Regi- 
ment, was commandant of the post. 

The command of General Floyd was soon ordered to the Army of 
Northern Virginia. Subsequently General Floyd commanded State 
troops in Southwest Virginia. 

My company having been captured at Fort Donelson, and not 
having any command to report to, I was tendered a position by the 
medical director of my brigade in his department, which I accepted, 
and held for some time. Finally, my company was exchanged, and I 
rejoined it at ChafRn's Bluff, about ten miles below Richmond, Va. 

Thomas J. Ridijell, M. D. 
Private in Goochland Artillery, Floyd's Brigade, 
late C. S. A., Richmond, Va. 



Ninth Battalion Tennessee Cavalry^ 

By H. Clay Mack, McKinney, Texas 

The Ninth Battalion Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, composed of 
volunteers, good and true men, was organized at "Camp Maury," 
near Nashville, in December, 1861, and was composed of six full com- 
panies, three companies of which (A, B, and E) were from Maury 
county, two companies (C and D) from Hickman, and one company 
(F) from Wayne. The following constituted the original roll of field 
and staff oflBcers: 

George Gantt, Lieutenant-colonel; B. W. Porter, Major; Hunter 
Nicholson, Adjutant; B. M. Hatcher, Quartermaster; G. W.Mayberry, 
Commissary. * * * 

On the approach of the Federals to Forts Henry and Donelson the 
battalion was ordered to the latter place. The first attack being made 
on Fort Henry, it was ordered there two days before that place fell 
into the hands of the enemy, and on the evening, before the fort was 
reduced by the United States flotilla experienced its first active field 
service, which consisted in reconnoitering the movements of the 
enemy. On the next day. Fort Henry having fallen, the battalion 
reported for duty at Fort Donelson, where, under Colonel N. B. For- 
rest, it took part in the defense of our works until the 15th of Febru- 
ary, 1862, when it was included in the surrender made on the morning 
of the 16th. The field officers of the battalion were imprisoned at Fort 
Warren; officers of the line first at Fort Chase, then at Johnson's Is- 

From M. A. T.— 748. 



148 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

land; and the privates at Camp Morton. After a wearisome, restless, 
and unhappy period of seven months imprisonment, by the terms of the 
general exchange of prisoners the battalion was placed again on South- 
ern soil at Vicksburg, and from thence was removed to Jackson, Miss., 
for the purpose of reorganization and equipment. 



Forrest's (old) Regiment, Cavalry 

By D. C. Kelley, Nashville, Tenn. 

Notwithstanding the many changes through which this regiment 
passed from its first organization in Memphis, Tenn., October, 1S61, to 
its surrender at Gainesville, Ala., May 11, 1866, there was persistent re- 
fusal to accept any other name than that which heads this sketch, or 
to be known by any number. 

Its field officers were as follows: N. B. Forrest, Lieutenant-col- 
onel; D. C. Kelley, Major; C. A. Schuyler, Adjutant; Dr. S. M. Van 
Wick, of Huntsville, Ala., Surgeon; J. P. Strange, of Memphis, Ser- 
geant-major. 

As first organized the regiment was composed of Capt. Overton's 
Company (A), Brandenburg, Ky., some ninety men; Capt. Logan's 
Company (G) Harrodsburg, Ky., forty-five men; Kelley Troopers 
(Company F), Madison county, Ala., ninety men; Capt. Trewhitt's 
Company (E), Gadsden, Ala., eighty men; Capt. Bawt's Company (B), 
South Alabama, eighty men; Capt. Miilner's Company (H), Marshall 
county, Ala., eighty-five men; Capt. Gould's Company (D), Texas, 
ninety men; and Capt. May's Company (C), Memphis, Tenn., ninety 
men. 

Later, as will be seen by the roster at the close of this sketch, it 
became by degrees almost entirelj' a regiment of West Tennessee 
troops. 

Immediately after the organization of the regiment six of the 
eight companies then composing it, under command of Maj. Kelley, 
were put in motion for Fort Donelson. The first expedition was to the 
neighborhood of Cadiz, Ky., to protect an engineer party of sappers 
and miners, who were engaged in the obstruction of the Cumberland 
River a little above Cadiz. The only remarkable feature of this first 
expedition was that the whole command was fed and foraged by the 
generous Kentuckians for two weeks, as a complimeiit to their pre- 
sence, without charge to the Confederate Government. Lieut. -col. 
Forrest arrived with the remainder of the regiment about the time this 
expedition was over. In this brief sketch we can only give the names 
of the engagements in which the regiment took part; first of which 
was a cavalry attack upon the gun-boat "Conestoga," in which the 
victory remained with the sharp-shooters, the gun-boat retiring after 
a combat lasting several hours. This occurred in the Cumberland 
River near Canton, Ky. This had been preceded, by two daj^s, by the 

From M. A. T.— 761-765. 



FORREST'S (OLD) REGIMENT CAVALRY 149 

capture of a transport on the Ohio River loaded with Government sup- 
plies, by a battalion of the regiment under Maj. Kelley; and was 
quickly followed by the brilliant affair of Sacramento, Ky., in which 
Forrest, in cooperation with Col. Starnes, utterly routed a superior 
body of Federal cavalry', and by his reckless daring set the key-note 
of his future greatness as a cavalry leader. Maj. Kelley, in notes 
written soon after the occurence, thus depicts Col. Forrest as he ap- 
peared in this combat and chase of Sacramento: "It was the first time 
I had seen the Colonel in the face of the enemy, and when he rode up 
to me in the thick of the action I could scarcely believe him to be the 
same man I had known for several months. His face was flushed till 
it bore a striking resemblance to a painted Indian warrior's; and his 
eyes, usually mild in expression, were blazing with the intense glare of 
a panther springing upon its prey. In fact, he looked as little like the 
Forrest of our mess -table as the storm of December resembles the 
quiet of June." 

Soon after the regiment was ordered to Fort Donelson to meet 
the advance of the Federal army on that devoted post. They reached 
there Feb. 10th. On the 11th a battalion of the regiment under Maj. 
Kelley successfully held in check the advance of the Federal troops 
from the direction of Fort Henrj', so that on the next day it was found 
that the heavier column of the enemy had changed to a parallel road. 
Here, on the morning of the 12th, Colonel Forrest was joined by the 
battalion under Maj. Kelley, and a dashing charge made, which delayed 
all farther advance of the enemy for that day. About three o'clock 
the cavalry were ordered within the fortifications. The men who had 
been in the saddle for two days, and fighting a great part of the time, 
worked on the fortifications all night. Next clay a part of the regi- 
ment, armed with long range-guns, did excellent work pitted against 
the sharp-shooters of the enemy. 

It seems well for us to correct some of the false impressions made 
by writers in reference to a number of events in the battle of Fort 
Donelson. General Lew Wallace, in the Century for December, 1884, 
in speaking of Feb. 14, says: "The supineness of Gen. Floyd all these 
years remains incomprehensible. A vigorous attack on the morning 
of the 13th might have thrown Grant back on Fort Henry." Gen. 
Wallace, as well as other writers, in mentioning the fact, seem to for- 
get that Gen. Floyd himself only arrived that morning, and parts of 
his own command were not in place early on themorning of the 14th; 
so that he had no advantage over the Federal forces in the matter of 
concentration that would have enabled him to strike the blow here 
contemplated. This much is due the generalship at Fort Donelson, 
which needs all to be said in favor of it that can be truthfully said. 

The delay of the Federal forces, helped so timely by the cavalry, 
enabled the Confederates to complete their earth-works, and conduced 
to the brilliant victory of the 15th. On that da.y from 4 A.M. to 6 P.M., 
Forrest's Reginient was in the thick of the tight. A movement upon 
the part of this regiment turned the Fedei-al right, and was the begin- 



160 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

ing of their first recoil. Later in tlie clay, in two separate charges — 
one led by Col. Forrest, the other by Maj. Kelley they completed the 
capture of two different batteries, the batteries and their support hav- 
ing been seriously crippled by our infantry and artillery. 

We turn to a later point in the battle — one graphically described 
by Gen. Wallace indicating the time when the Federal brigade formed 
into line in the deep gorge just in front of a dense thicket, and was 
immediately attended by a battery which came up on a run and swung 
across the road. From the description of the place and occurrence, 
this was just after the writer had led a successful charge on a battery 
situated near a white house on the Wynn's Ferry road, capturing three 
guns. He was seated at the head of his command in full view of the 
Federal battery at the time it was swung into position. Five minutes 
later, under orders, his regiment of cavalry was moved under cover, 
and their place taken by a division of infantry. The ten-minutes fight 
which Gen. Wallace regarded as a serious matter, did not amount to 
more than a five-minute skirmish, without effect on either side. He 
represents the Federals as pausing on the approach of Gen. Grant. 
I know that the Confederates retired under orders, not on account of 
any advance of the Federal forces. While one can not be sure of time 
on the field of battle, I am inclined to place this event a full hour later 
than Gen. Wallace places it— viz., 3 o'clock in the afternoon. There 
was no fighting from this time on our left and the Federal right. 

We now turn to Gen. Wallace, and what occurred on our right 
in reference to the attack of the Federal General Chas. F. Smith. It 
is true, while the trenches on our extreme right were deserted, or al- 
most so, that Gen. Smith did succeed in finding a lodgment in a de- 
tached portion of our works. It is equally true that on the return of 
the Confederate brigade Smith's advance was not only rendered im- 
possible, but only the coming on of night prevented his entire dislodg- 
ment. 

Gen. Wallace is correct when he says that it was Gen. Pillow's in- 
flation with the idea of an easy victory next day which led to a 
change of the plans after the Confederates had won the ground neces- 
sary to their evacuation of Fort Donelson. It is equally true, however, 
that Gen. Pillow but represented the feeling of the whole army, per- 
haps with the exception of Gen. Buckner. It was not till after night- 
fall that Gen. Buckner's gloomy view of the situation began to impress 
itself upon the other Generals. When Forrest was called to a coun- 
cil of the Generals early in the night, and on his return reported that 
it was believed at head-quarters that the enemy had regained the 
ground from which they had been driven during the day, the writer 
earnestly protested, on the ground that he had remained with the 
cavalry gathering up arms on the battle-field till after sunset, and left 
it without seeing any movement upon the part of the Fedeials to re- 
gain the position east of the Wynn's Ferry road. Forrest declared 
that he was satisfied that the fires which the scouts supposed to be 
camp-fires of the Federal army were in reahty only rekindled fires of 



FORREST'S (OLD) REGIMENT CAVALRY 151 

the night before renewed by the wounded men left upon the field to 
prevent freezing in the bitter cold of the night. Scouts were also sent 
out from our head-quarters, and made similar reports; but nothing 
could relieve the somber view of the situation taken by General Buck- 
ner. The contagion caught Gen. Floyd, and finally penetrated the 
emotional nature of Gen. Pillow, and led to the conduct which will 
ever stain the one as unsuited to military affairs and the other as totally 
deficient in soundness of judgment. 

Gen. Pillow had won high credit as a soldier during the day, and 
had fought his men with eminent success, unsurpassed in any action of 
the war. Gens. Floyd and Buckner had been almost useless through- 
out the day, and now in the evening paralyzed Gen. Pillow with their 
fears. 

Besides the above proof that Gen. Wallace is mistaken when he 
claims that he occupied on the night of the 15th the ground which 
McClernand had occupied the night before, secondly, I know that in 
riding out with cavalry and artillery men over the frozen ground — 
many of whom in closing up brought their horses to a gallop, so that 
the hoof -beats could have been easily heard a mile in the stillness of 
the night -no Federal gun, even of a picket, was heard to break upon 
their march. Further, the writer paused at day -break within half a 
mile of the ground occupied by McClernand's head -quarters, and re- 
mained till 8 o'clock in the morning without seeing or hearing any 
indications of the presence of any Federal forces. There was not a 
Captain in the Confederate army at the close of the war, with four 
years experience, who would have hesitated in deciding that the army 
from Fort Donelson could have begun its march at any time from 4 
o'clock in the afternoon to midnight without having attracted the 
notice of the Federal forces, and could have been eight or ten hours in 
advance before the enemy would have discovered the movement or 
begun in earnest a pursuit. 

Through Gen. Forrest the cavalry made a proposal to go in ad- 
vance until we had cleared the way for the army beyond the Federal 
lines, and then cover their retreat, which both then and now we do not 
hesitate to believe could have been done with the completest success. 
Forrest alone, of all the officers brought into the council, showed a mili- 
tary genius equal to the hour. His chagrin at the purpose to surren- 
der was intense. His view of the position of the Federal army on the 
night after the battle proved accurate; his belief in the ability of the 
infantry to make the march, was founded in a knowledge of human 
endurance in men who had shown the pluck and nerve of the day be- 
fore. Incapacity growing out of inexperience and want of high mili- 
tary instinct, threw away our armj' at Fort Donelson. Forrest was a 
man of military genius to perceive the thing to be done, and possessed 
a heroic will to stand by what he believed to be the duty of the hour. 

Gen. Buckner's soldierly conduct in remaining with the army, 
after surrender had been determined upon, has in the eye of history 
redeemed him from the just censure which belongs to him for inaction 



152 REGIMENTAL HISTORIES 

daring the day and unwarrantable despondency at night. His mis- 
takes by day and by night alike doomed the Confederacy to the loss of 
the army which had so bravely won the victory of the 15th. 

Again in the saddle at three a.m. on the 16th, prepared to cut their 
way through at all hazards, the regiment followed their dauntless 
leader out of the entrenchments before the formal surrender. For 
the next ten days they were drawn on for the most unremitting duty 
in securing and forwarding the army stores left in Nashville, Tenn., 
by the retreat of Gen. Johnston. In this time, by almost Herculean 
effort, there were saved of supplies left in Nashville, "six hundred 
boxes of clothing, a quarter of a million pounds of bacon, and forty 
wagon-loads of ammunition." 



PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE 



Letters of Col. J. Q. Lauman to his Wife and Brother^ 

Headquarters of 7th Iowa Infantry, 

Benton Barracks^ Jany. 1st, 1862. 
My Dear Wife: 

I arrived in St. Louis yesterday at 10 o'clock and proceeded at 
once to the Barracks. It was Mustering day and I was just in time to 
be mustered for pay.- As soon as it was ascertained that I had arrived 
the officers began to drop in and gave me a liearty welcome. In a 
short time after the boj^s were out on dress parade, when I appeared 
and took command, — then you should have heard the shout break forth 
from the boys, I know it would have done you good. After the parade 
the boys crowded around me, sick, wounded and infirm were all there, 
and all delighted to see me back again. I was invited to sup with Col. 
Warren, which I did, and to dine with him to-day (New Years) which 
I did not, as I had to go to the city to look up my Horse Equipage which 
Sherman, the orderly, lost coming down. He had it checked from 
Burlington to Mendota or Peoria but took the Peoria Road by Chenoa, 
thence to St. Louis by the Alton & St. Louis R. road. When he arrived 
here he was minus his baggage consisting of said equipage and a trunk. 
My Saddle cover, Holsters, saddle and bridle are all gone. I am rather 
comfortably quartered, a little crowded, but things will soon assume 
their right shape again. I drank my coffee and tea out of tin tea cups 
without cream and it relished well. I just received my trunk. The 
pies were jammed a little but still eatable. The butter looked grand. 

I slept on a hard bed last night but slept well. I slept on the same 
sheet and pillow-case that I used the night before the battle of Bel- 
mont. Lt. Col. Parrott and myself occupy the same room. 

My leg is doing well.- I feel ^rsf rate. I think the boils are about 
forsaking me too. If that is so I will not sorrow at their departure. 

I will now begin to get up my regiment which I fear will be a slow 
process. Genl. Sherman, who is now in command here (Kentucky, 

1 The publicatiou of the following letters has kindly been permitted by General 
Lauman's son, George V. Lauman, Lieutenant Colonel 1st Illinois Volunteer Infantry 
during the Spanish-American War. Other letters, of the dates of January 12, 15, 24, 
and February 1, are omitted for lack of space. It is hoped that Colonel Lauman will 
in the near future publish General Lauman's entire correspondence or at least those 
portions of it relating his experiences in General Grant's Army from Belmont to 
Vicksburg. The letters here given are printed in their entirety from typewritten 
copies, furnished and authenticated by Colonel Lauman. The Editor is also indebted 
to Colonel Lauman for the photograph of General Lauman reproduced in the appendix 
and for other valuable assistance and information. 

2 Col. Lauman was wounded at Belmont. 153 



154 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE 

Sherman who was superseded for insanity) says they will not be ready 
for service this winter. He may change his views should troops be 
wanted in the meantime. 

Revd. Mr. Clark, the chaplain, made his appearance in camp 
to-day in good health — don't be too long about writing as I am very 
anxious to hear from you. 

And believe me to be your affectionate husband, 

J. G. Lauman. 

P. S.: — It being "New Year" I saw no one in St. Louis. Kiss the 
children for me — and to all of you I wish a "Happy New Year." good 
night. 

Benton Barracks, Jany. 8, 1862. 

I have now been from home ten days and have had a pretty fair 
trial of this famous "Camp of Instruction," and pronounce it a most 
unmitigated humbug. We have been brigaded and I am now under 
command of a Genl. who knows precisely as much about Military 
matters as a Horse does about holiday, and no more, and we turn out 
every day at two o'clock for drill in this Camp of Instruction, what a 
farce, and are paraded around for two hours by a man who has to be 
told what command to give and how to do it every time, and this is 
called a Camp of Instruction— but we are getting along. 

My limb is nearly well, the wound, am glad to say closed, a little 
tender yet, the boils nearly well. I walk without a cane, and without 
limping much. I have had a swollen face for about four days, but that 
is now subsiding, and I feel better this evening than I have done for 
some time. My regiment is slowly improving, and we will probably be 
paid this week. I have not yet heard from my Saddle, Bridle, covers 
and Holsters. I shall probably hear from them the last of the week, or 
good-bye Horse equipage. 

I have not yet seen Harry [Doolittle, Reg. Color Sergt. 2d Iowa 
Inf. — a family friend, later a Captain], he can't come to see me. I 
can't go to see him. Military discipline, I suppose, forbids. I am glad 
you are not here in this gloomy place. It has rained, snowed and 
sleeted nearly every day since I have been here. Col. Warren loaned 
me a saddle and Bridle so I have been able to make my appearance on 
parade regularly. 

My Secesh Horse was lost, and we had to advertise twice, I 
seemed to be in a streak of bad luck, but he was returned and a good 
old fellow he is, but the first day I rode him it was very icy and he 
smooth shod the result was a fall, but I escaped unhurt. 

Dr. Witter, the Surgeon, did not get much of the mince pie, but 
he had his share. He dined with us one day. We had a very poor 
dinner but a good mince pie. 

I have some of the apples you put in my carpet sack, and part of 
the cake I cheated Harry out of. I hope he enjoyed it as much as I 
did. I am better fixed here than I have been anywhere (except at 
Ironton), since I have been campaigning. We have comfortable rooms 



COLONEL LAUMAN 165 

for quarters. I board for the present in the same building with our 
quartermaster. I sleep on a bunk with some loose straw on the boards 
with my quilt which makes it comfortable. We have a stove and 
plenty of fuel and old Beauregard, the orderly, comes morning and 
evening to do up the chores— by the way those narrow sheets you 
supplied me with are no great things, I put one on my bed with my 
old one, but I have to make a search for it every morning as it gets 
into a rope and is hard to find. Some of these days I will tear one in 
two and sew the parts on the others so I will at least have two sheets 
that will be wide enough to hold their places. I have not been around 
much as this is the only nice day I have had since I came into camp, 
but I think from this time on I will be able to circulate. 

I found my prayer-Book in Captain Gardner's possession, who by 
the way, has been very sick but is now recovering, and will soon be 
returned to us. 

I have to close this this up in a hurry as I am most out of candle, 
and will be in the dark. 

I am going to send Ben Barber to Iowa on a recruiting expedition. 

Benton Barracks, Mo., Saturday Morning, Jany. 11, 1862. 

We are under marching orders, and leave here on Monday after- 
noon by Steam Boat bound South. I do not know our destination but 
suppose it is to take part in the great Southern movement. My health 
is good, but I think my regiment should have had a chance to recruit 
in numbers. We now report 328 fit for duty and only 578 present, that 
is sick, lame and lazy, as poor Lt. Col. Wentz used to say. Unless my 
saddle and rig comes to hand to-day I will have to purchase in St. 
Louis on Monday. — quite a bore aint it. 

My boys are all eager for the fray— and I will take with me every 
man that can walk. Ben Barber has just come to know your name for 
a soldier whose wife has a daughter and it is to be named for you. We 
are all busy making preparation, the Genl. (Sherman) has just told our 
Quartermaster that our destination is New Orleans — doubtful — Cairo I 
expect. The box sent by the Ladies of Christ Church came duly to 
hand, and is in fine condition. We will take it along, and dispense its 
contents in "Dixie Land'" when they will be appreciated fully I know. 

I have had Photographs taken which I will send you by express. 
Well if I did not know they were my own likeness, hair and all, I would 
not believe it — they look like some old Arab of the desert. 

St. Louis, Jany. 17, 1862. 
Here we are again. We could not make our way through the 
gorge, and last evening we came up on the Iron Mountain R, R. After 
standing for an hour or more in the cold and it was cold I assure you, 
I concluded to march the men through the streets whilst the proper 
officers were obtaining some kind of shelter for us during the night. 
I had marched through several streets and at last came out on 4th St. 
and who should I run against but our friend Homes, who interested 



156 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE 

himself with his friends and in ten minutes the Chamber of Commerce 
was at our disposal, the boys entered with feelings of thankfulness and 
I am proud to say they behaved well. Refreshments were soon pro- 
vided and the boys passed a comfortable night. This morning they 
had breakfast provided by the Commissarj' and the boys left the Hall 
in the best kind of spirits, and are now standing on the banks of the 
river awaiting transportation to Dixie. I went out with Homes— had 
I'oast Tiarkey and fixings for dinner at 7 o'' clock P.M. '^ "' 

Our regt. is sovie, 1 tell you. 1 went to the express office on my 
way here and to my inexpressible surprise found my "horse rig" so 
'■'Ridhard^s himself again.'' I wrote you from the S. B. Continental 
and liave kept you pretty well posted. Harry came to see me on the 
landing and has just parted with me. He looks well. Capt. Jack 
Slaymaker I saw as we left on Monday for the South. 

I see from the papers no account yet of a battle fought in Ky. 
Suppose they are awaiting tlie famous Iowa 7th to lead the van. 

The ice is so thick it is feared we cannot cross the river to-day 
and the Military authorities are in consultation what to do with us. 
Whether to keep us in town another day or send us back to the bar- 
racks — as they determine will suit me. 

Port Holt, Ky., Jany. 21, IS 62. 

Eli Saul of whom you wrote did not enlist in a state of intoxica- 
tion. He did so because he desired to do so, and yesterday he called 
on me to say that it was still his desire and determination to remain 
with the regiment, — so you see I can do nothing. We arrived at Cairo 
on Saturday night and were ordered to Birds Point by the oflflcer in 
authority the next day, but Genl. Grant returning before we got off 
changed our destination to this place so we landed here yesterday 
morning spending the first night on the cars, the 2nd on the "Memphis 
City". We are now comfortably fixed. I am in my old tent with a 
stove and the men never seemed more cheerful and lively. They like 
it and so do I. Our friends here gave me a warm reception. Genh 
Grant was glad to see me, and offered to put me in command of Fort 
Jefferson with four regiments beside my own, but as I was not well 
provided with tents for a winter campaign I declined and he sent me 
here for the present. Last night I was serenaded at my quarters by 
some kind friends unknown to me, the songs were all sentimental and 
Gussy should have been here to enjoy it. Among other things they 
sang "Let me kiss him for his mother" and they sang and played well. 
The fact is we are among friends. Col. Daugherty is at Birds Point 
and I will go over to see him soon. Perhaps to-day. 

The weather with the exception of a few days, has been the same 
as when you were here, mild and delightful, they bring water to you 
here with ice floating in it, just as of old. I have met with the re- 
porters of the press Carroll of the Louisville Journal, of the 

Chicago papers and old Horace Culdown of the N. Y. Tribune. 



COLONEL LAUMAN 157 

I have no floor in my tent yet but expect to have one in a Short 
time. We are getting things in shape, and I never was better pleased 
than to get away from Benton Barracks, although as you know we had 
a hard time of it since. The great expedition of which we expected 
great things has returned without accomplishing anything — waiting 
for us to lead the advance. We have purchased a i^eO.OO Mess Chest 
and formed a Mess. Revd. Mr. Clark, for the present Steward, and we 
are going to live nice. I send you a card so you can see what utensils 
we have in the chest. Mr. Clark, Lt. Col. Parrott, Major Rice, Quarter 
Master Forsha and myself constitute the Mess. 

You never in your life saw such a sea of mud as Cairo presents at 
this time. We are encamping oji a sand ridge near where we first 
pitched our tents. 

My health is good. I am not quite rid of the boils yet. The cars 
ran over one of my "boys" coming down. He will lose his legs — per- 
haps his life — but it was his own fault. 

Fort Holt, Ky., (Cairo) Jany. 23, 1862. 
I called yesterday to see my friend Col. Daugherty who is now and 
has been for a long time at Birds Point. How shall I attempt to de- 
scribe the meeting- -to say he was rejoiced to see me would be tame. 
He shook his stump of a leg about which is not yet healed and declared 
"he was now well, the sight of me had cured him," and then for two 
hours we fought the Battle of Belmont over again: I found him quite 
as indignant at the Illinois Genl. and Cols, as I was if not more so— but 
the Military men here know who fought the battle. 

He says Grant and McClernand expect to be made Major Genls. 
for the valor they displayed on that occasion - and Col. Cook of the 
7th III., now in command of this post, told me to-day, that he went 
down with the flag of truce the next day, and he could mark our track 
from the time we came under fire until we reached the Boats on our 
return. Daugherty says Col. Buford's regiment only received one 
fire. He can leave his bed for only a few moments at a time, but his 
stump is healing and before many weeks he will be about again. He 
still retains command. Lieut. Col. Hart of this regiment, related a 
little incident to me yesterday. Col. Buford, who was temporarily in 
command when we arrived here on Saturday night, ordered us to Birds 
Point and sent to Col. Purcell to have the Barracks cleared out for us 
— the Col. in obedience of these orders, attempted to clear out the 
Barracks of Daugherty 's regiment who were off on the expedition with 
Genl. Grant, but the sick who were left behind refused to vacate say- 
ing they would fight first, — their regt. would be back in a day or two 
at furthest, and as they had built them they would yield to no one. 
About this time one of the soldiers inquired what regiment was to come 
in if they wentout, and they were told the Iowa 7th, — their tune changed 
in a moment, they gave three cheers for the Iowa 7th, and said they 
would not give up their quarters but they would make room for their 
comrades of the 7th and soon all were at work to clear up and prepare 



168 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE 

for the 7th and their own regt. but our destination was changed, and 
we are now on the spot we occupied when we first came to this part 
of the country — and we are nicely fixed I assure you. We are on a 
sandy ridge facing the South, with Cairo and Birds Point in full view — 
but our present location I fear will not last long, the Ohio river is 
rising so fast that if it continues for three days longer we will have to 
evacuate. — Indeed, to-day we received orders to be in readiness to 
march at a moment's notice, so we commenced packing up — but a sub- 
sequent order said remain awhile longer. We should all have left with 
regret. My boys appear to be getting better and I could now take-with 
me nearly five hundred men. 

I am improving the discipline and after awhile will bring it back 
to the old standard. 

Several of the wounded are with us from Mound City, hobbling 
around on crutches but in good spirits. 

We are living with our new Steward. Mr. C'lark is a good pro- 
vider. We had Turkey and cranberry sauce for dinner — and corn- 
bread and cod-fish for Tea. We are living well as long as we can any- 
way. 

We have had dull weather, cloudy, until to-day, when the sun 
came out and it was very pleasant indeed. To-night the stars are out 
in all their splendor — and just cold enough to make fire agreeable and 
necessary. 

Beauregard wants to know how Billy Belmont is getting along. 
I drew a National Color, the stars and stripes, before we left St. Louis. 

The Tattoo is just beating and I will soon go to bed — good night. 

Smithland, Ky., Jany., 25, 1862. 

I arrived here this morning before day, and now, 4 o'clock p. M., 
I am in full command of this post. It consists of a Fort, mounting 
two guns, one a 32 pounder, the other a 64 pounder, near the town, 
and another Fort about a half mile distant, mounting a 32 pound gun. 

Stockades surround the enclosure and extend a long way out so as 
to form quite a protection for the troops. There will be another regi- 
ment here this evening, and it is the design of Genl. Hallack to have 
a large force assembled here. I have been assigned to the command 
— how long that will last I cannot tell. Maybe long, perhaps a short 
time. I give myself no trouble about it. I hold myself at all time^ 
ready to move at a moment's warning. 

It is a beautiful place — and my quarters are the nicest I ever had. 

About 150 miles below Evansville, 60 above Cairo at the mouth of 
the Cumberland River — I have appointed Capt. Harper Provost-Marshal 
— and Lieut. Bennett A. A. A. Genl. 

Capt. McMullin I have assigned to the distant Fort, and I will soon 
be in full blast. Indeed, Captain Harper's ofHce in town has been 
crowded the whole day. I think he is well calculated for that respon- 
sible post. I have a force of about two hundred cavalry besides artil- 



COLONEL LAUMAN 159 

lery and infantry, and my regiment will improve in discipline as well 
as in health. The town is a beautiful little place. Mostly secesh, but 
inclined to be quiet. 

The drums are beating for Dress parade and I must close. 

Fort Henry, Tennessee, Feby. S, 1862. 

You have heard all the news no doubt long before this or at least 
before this will reach you. Wfe had a hard march from where we 
landed (below the Fort) until we reached it and then found the enemy 
had run away and left everything behind. The bread baking in the 
ovens and meat cooking. We should have bag'd tlie whole force, but 
we will soon have another chance at them — but it is a horrible climate, 
rain, snow and sleet and mud enough to give one the horrors. This 
morning we received orders to hold my command in readiness to march 
at a moment's notice if necessary, with two days' rations so I have 
been loitering about all the morning, expecting to receive orders. 
There could not well be a worse day for marching. 

I do not know our destination. There are many surmises, some 
think it is Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River. I have many of 
my old friends with me, Col. Ogelsby, Wallace, Marsh and Cook. 
Taylor's Battery is also here. You should have heard and seen them 
as we left the boat to march on this Fort. Officers and men ran out of 
their ranks to shake hands with me and then the cheering was wonder- 
ful. We were few in numbers but we presented a bold front and I 
suppose felt as if we could do as much and as good service as the best 
Regt. among them. I was assigned the Right of the Brigade in the 
march and would have held that position in the fight if there had been 
one. We were under Genl. C. F. Smith, Division Commander. I rode 
ahead of my Regt. and got into the fort ahead of my command. I 
wanted to see how things looked after a battle. There were but four 
killed in the Fort and thirteen wounded, one of whom died shortly 
after. The killed were horribly mangled, in fact, torn all to pieces. 

After I had satisfied my curiosity I rode back and joined my Regt. 
We bivouacked just outside the Fort, Col. Parrott and I lying on the 
ground under a big tree with nothing to cover us but a worn and torn 
blanket. Beauregard made a big fire and we managed to pass the night 
very well. At daylight we took up the line of march and entered the 
Fort where we now are. We will be moved back as soon as we can 
build a bridge to cross a slough so as to get our baggage back. We 
have a bad place now but, as I said, before this leaves we may be 
marching. You must look for news of us through the papers as the 
camp is full of reporters. We are at present in Col. Cook's Brigade, 
composed of the 7th and 50th 111. and 7th and 12th Iowa. The 14th 
Iowa have just arrived so we have now three Iowa Regts. with us. We 
are collecting a large force here. I trust large enough to make clean 
work of it as we go. I forgot to leave my valuables behind until I got 
away on towards the enemy and heard the Gun Boats and the Fort 



160 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE 

popping away at each other and then I thought if they got me they 
might have the bal. 

Fort Henry, Tennessee, Feby. 11, 1862. 

I am well and again under mai'ching orders. To-morrow morning 
we start for Fort Donelson, some 15 miles distant, on the Cumberland 
River. We are in strong force. We have some 25,000 men, and some 
6 Regiments more to arrive this evening. I am in command of a Bri- 
gade, so for the present an acting Brigadier. The 7th, 2nd and 14th 
Iowa, 25th Indiana and Birges Sharpshooters, with a Battalion o~f the 
Curtis Horse form my Brigade. 

If the Rebels stand you will hear from us sure -Good-bye, love to 
all.— Kiss the children. — In Haste, Good-bye.— God bless you. 



Fort Donelson, Tennessee, Feb. 17, 1S62. 
Dear Wife: 

I am again safe. My life is still prolonged. Let me hope it is for 
some good purpose. We have had a great battle, the fight lasting for 
three days, but you will hear of it, and the great result to flow out of it 
long before this reaches you. 

I commanded the Fourth brigade of the Second division, and my 
command made their mark. * * * Poor Jack Slaymaker was killed, 
gallantly leading his men to the charge on the last day— indeed, the 
only day the Second were in the engagement. Capt. Cloutman fell, 
also bravely doing his duty. Harry was wounded very severely, but 
the surgeons say he will recover. I left my command to see him and 
poor Jack last evening. I have ordered Jack's remains to be properly 
cared for, to send home to his parents, and will see that it is done 
properly, although my time is so occupied I have scarcely time to 
write this note, nor do I know when or how it will leave here. I am 
now in command of Fort Donelson, and my brigade are quartered in 
the fortifications. We will be ordered forward soon, I hope, and I 
sincerely trust our success will be the harbinger of a speedy close of 
the horrid rebelUon. I received your two letters just before we were 
ordered into action, and I had to laugh over your congratulations at 
my good quarters in Smithland, when for two nights I had been camped 
under a tree, and it raining and showing on me, without a tent. But my 
health is improving. My cold under which I have been suffering is 
getting better, and I am able to endure a great deal of hardship. 

Gen. Smith (Paducah Smith) is a good soldier. The reputation of 
the Iowa Seventh is as bright as ever, although their loss is trifling. 
The state may well be proud of their troops. 

I lost all of my bedding yesterday, and doubt very much if I find 
it again. We marched out of camp leaving everything behind, and our 
friends helped themseves. I will look after Harry— I think he will do 
well. Dr. Marsh says the wound in his stomach did not penetrate far 



COLONEL LAUMAN 161 

enough to do any serious injury. I trust this may be so. He is in good 
spirits, and bore his flag like a hero. Love to all. Good bye. 

Yours affectionately, 

J. G. Lauman. 

Fort Donelson, Tennessee, Feb. 19, 1862. 
Dear Brother: 

The battle is fought, the dead are buried and the wounded cared 
for, and we are again settling down to the old routine of military disci- 
pline. But what a scene we have passed through, and what a victory 
we have won! We have already sent off eight or nine thousand pris- 
oners, and we have more yet to send. But such a lot of humanity I 
never saw before — all butternut color; but they can shoot, as many 
of our boys can testify. 

I have made my report to Gen. Smith, which I suppose will be 
published, and before this reaches you, you will know more about the 
battle than I do. I have already seen that the Iowa Seventh was all 
cut up on the first day's fight. I hope you did not let any of these 
reports disturb you. We had a hard time. For three nights we lay in 
the open air without tents, and some without blankets, raining and 
snowing all night. The last night we remained under arms all night, 
prepared to repel an assault; but when morning came — and oh! how 
long it was in coming — the enemy attracted our attention to their white 
flag, and I received proposals for capitulation, which we promptly for- 
warded to Gen. Smith, and through him to Gen. Grant. Gen. Grant 
refused terms and insisted on unconditional surrender, and an hour was 
given them to consider. At the end of that time the loud shouts of the 
men gave indications that the surrender was unconditional. Then 
commenced the I'ejoicings. I claimed for my brigade the right to enter 
first, which was accorded; when with drums beating and colors flying 
we entered the fort. The Rebels were drawn up in line, with their 
arms in great heaps, and looked quite woe-begone, I assure you, as 
the victors passed along. 

My brigade is in the fort, of which I have command. Gen. Smith's 
division is quartered all around about. The fortifications extend over 
the country for miles, and the other divisions of the army encamped 
at other points. The greatest loss was on our right, in McClernand's 
division. The enemy endeavored to cut through at that point, and 
fought with great desperation — loss very heavy. But you know all 
this and more, and this will be stale news to you. I found the pistols 
I lost at Belmont at Fort Donelson, or others just as good. 

Capt. Rhiza will return to Burlington, he informed me today, for 
a short time. So he informed me, but he may not be able to get off. 
If he does, I will send a flag, secesh, captured in the fort. They either 
destroyed or secreted their flags, as none could be found. I have not 
yet seen the reports of my commanding officer, but Gen. Grant has 
caused a highly complimentary order to be read to the troops. Gen. 
Smith is a good officer, and as brave as a lion. I am proud to be under 



162 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE 

him. I had a good brigade, and I beheve they like me. I hope the 
rebellion will receive such a shock from this that they will not be able 
to hold up their heads for some time to come. I am obliged to Jennie 
for her kind and very acceptable letter, and hope she will write again. 
I received a letter from Gov. Kirkwood covering the resolutions of 
the legislature of Iowa, and had them read to my regiment last even- 
ing. Tell Lou that Harry Doolittle is doing well. I went to the boat to 
see him, but it had started before I got theie. He will remain for the 
present at Padueah, I suppose. I met, as I was on my way to Dover, 
where the boat was lying, Drs. Marsh and Nassau of Iowa Second, who 
gave me this information. Among the hundreds of wounded and dead, 
it is almost impossible to keep the whereabouts of anyone. I must now 
bring this to a close. Let Lou see this and it will be the same as though 
I had written to her. Capt. Slaymaker's remains were forwarded to 
St. Louis for preparation to send home. I cut off a lock of his hair and 
sent it to Betty for his friends, fearing something might occur that the 
coffin could not be opened when it got home. Give my love to all, and 
if anything should befall me, take good care of wife and little ones, 
and believe me to be your affectionate brother, 

Jacob. 



Letter of First Lieutenant James O. Churchill 
1 1th Illinois Infantry 

Hospital, S. W. Cor. 5th & Chestnut Sts., / 
St. Louis, Mo., April 10th, 1862. ) 

My Dear Parents: 

Mrs. Filley said in her last, that I would write at length, as soon 
as I was strong enough, and give you full particulars of my present 
surroundings, and a description of what had occuredtome since I wrote 
you from Fort Henry about the 10th of February. In order to do this, 
it will require a very long letter, and as Dr. Barnes will allow me to write 
but a few moments each day, on account of my weak physical condi- 
ton, it will take several days to complete it, consequently the letter 
will appear to be an old one when you receive it. It might be called, 
"Wounded on the field and in hospital." 

I wrote on February 10th, that we would probably be ordered to 
Fort Donelson, which is located on the Cumberland, about twelve or 
fifteen miles from Fort Henry, on the Tennessee river. 

We received the anticipated marching orders on Tuesday the 11th, 
early in the afternoon, and moved at 4 p. m., arriving in sight of the 
works on the afternoon of the 12th. 

Lieut. -Col. T. E. G. Ransom had command of the regiment (the 
11th Illinois infantry). Col. W. H. L. Wallace, being in command of our 
brigade, the 2d in McClernand's Division. 

1 From Loyal Legion Papers, Missouri Commandery. Vol. I, p. 146. 



LIEUTENANT CHURCHILL 163 

This brigade consisted of the 11th, 20th, 45th and 48th Regiments 
of Illinois infantry, 4th UUnois cavah-y, and Taylor's and McAllister's 
Illinois batteries. Col. Oglesby's, the 1st brigade of our division, took 
the right of the line of investment, and we took position on their left. 

Our regiment was on the riglit of the brigade, and our company 
("A") on the right of the regiment, and next to John A. Logan's regi- 
ment, the 31st Illinois, which was on the left of Oglesby's brigade. 

The weather was very cold, snowing much of the time. We were 
allowed no fires, for fear of disclosing our position to the enemy, so we 
had to take our "hai'd tack" without its almost necessai'y accompani- 
ment, hot coffee. Some of the boys, however, went into a ravine to 
the rear two or three times, and made several camp kettles, with 
which many filled their canteens. We had no tents, but they would 
have been of little use, as we were in line of battle most of the time, 
night and day. We would lie down in the snow, each man with his 
musket in hand, and be instantly on our feet at Ransom's oft repeated 
"fall in," as the picket firing became heavier and nearer. 

Our sufferings from cold were very great, and the men seemed to 
be in a half frozen state, and were anxious that something should 
"turn up" to ameliorate or change their condition. 

On Friday afternoon the gunboats opened fire upon the enemy's 
works. Quite often the balls would pass over our heads with a pierc- 
ing shriek, cutting off the tops of trees, which fell upon and about us. 

Shortly after daylight, on Saturday the 15th, the fighting com- 
menced in earnest, almost the entire army of the enemy coming out on 
their left, and impetuously attacking Oglesby's brigade and ours, with 
the intention of cutting their way out on the Nashville Road. About 
11 o'clock the 1st brigade (Oglesby's) got out of ammunition and fell 
back. Logan's regiment was the last to go. At his request we covered 
his retreat, by moving by the right flank in his immediate front. I 
was quite near him much of the time. 

He is a brave soldier; his eyes flashed like fire, and he was con- 
tinually yelling to his men to "Give it to 'em." As he fell back he 
was shot through the arm. Shortly after Ransom was shot in the 
shoulder. 

My time was fully occupied in pulling the dead and wounded back 
out of the way, and getting cartridges from their boxes, and replenish- 
ing those of the men who were fighting. They kept a good line, and 
not one attempted to run away. 

A very large man of our company by the name of Thompson, 
told me that morning, when we saw the enemy moving toward us, 
that he had a premonition that he would be the first man killed; it 
proved true; a half hour after he was shot through the heart. The 
next man killed was Corporal Cronemiller, who was shot through the 
forehead, and fell back into my arms, the hot blood spurting into my 
face. In short, I will state here, that between 7 a.m. and 12 m., our 
company had 10 killed and 23 wounded, or 33 out 67. Our regiment 
330 killed and wounded out of 452, 



164 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE 

Ransom was absent not over five minutes to get his wound dress- 
ed, during which time the regiment was commanded by Major Nevins. 

Our brigade was ordered to retire shortly after Oglesby had fallen 
back, but the aid sent to our regiment was killed before reaching us. 
The ground was quite hilly, and we did not see the other regiments 
on our left, when they moved away. At about 11:30 the enemy's in- 
fantry closed in on our flanks, and Forrest's cavalry moved around and 
took position in our rear, and we were entirely surrounded. My at- 
tention was first drawn to this by the fact thatjour men were being shot 
in the back, and on looking to the rear saw the cavalry and immedi- 
ately notified Ransom, who at the time, was near the right flank of our 
rapidly shortening line. ^ 

He at once ordered the regiment to "face to the rear and charge 
cavalry,"' which we did on the run, he in advance. Up to this time I 
had not been hit, although I had received two balls through my coat, 
and one through the left leg of my pants. When I had gone, I suppose, 
about 100 feet, I felt as though I was suddenly struck with a leaden 
whip across the thighs, and was pitched headlong into a hole. My 
company passed on over me; I had been struck in the left thigh, just 
below the hip, by a 72-caliber (nearly f inch), musket ball, which flat- 
tened on the bone, and came out nearly in front. This came from the 
infantry on our left. 

Of course I learned this afterwards, as I did not know at this time 
with what, or exactly where, I had been hit. I at once got up and fol- 
lowed on. Before reaching the cavalry line I selected the point at which 
I would go through, and when within ten feet of it, on turning my eyes 
to the right, saw a cavalryman with his rifle pointed at, and within six 
feet of me; I threw my revolver (which was in my left hand), round, 
but before I got a "bead" on him, he fired and I fell on, and among 
a pile of dead and wounded. In falling, my right wrist struck a 
sharply pointed stub, my hand opened and my sword flew beyond 
reach. This time it was a "minie" ball that had struck me in the center 
of the right hip-socket from above, splitting off the outer half, and pass- 
ing down by the thigh bone, fractui-ed it four inches below the head, and 
lodged above the knee. The sensation was the same as the first, this 
time as before, I could not tell in which hip or thigh I had been hit. 

I attempted to get up, but could only raise my head— my hips and 
lower limbs were as of lead. In a moment the enemy's infantry were 
passing over me, and in less than five, only their stragglers could be 
seen. They commenced robbing and tearing the clothing from the 
dead and wounded. I remonstrated, and told them that it was not in 
accordance with civilized warfare; that there was no objection to their 
stripping the dead, but the wounded required all they had to keep 
them from freezing. The stragglers of an army are usually the worst 
men in it, and purposely fall to the rear to rob the dead and wounded. 
Its general character should not be judged by them. 

1 Cf. Reports: W. H. L. Wallace, R. R. 7—196-7; Ransom R. R. 7—199, 200. 



LIETTENANT CHURCHILL 166 

The dead and wounded were thick about me ; within a radius of 
fifteen feet, I counted fifteen dead men, and a number of wounded. 

I saw two men near by stripping Sergt. Bellman, of my company, 
who was dead. I asked them to bring me something from his pocket; 
one of them brought and handed me his pocket-comb, which I now 
have, and will give to his father as a memento when I see him. 

The air was filled with the cries of the wounded, to which it was 
pitiful to listen, some with boyish voices were calling "Mother," 
others shrieking as though in great agony, many groaning, and occa- 
sionally one swearing like a Spanish trooper. Presently there came 
along three Confederate surgeons, who commenced to examine the 
wounded, selecting those they thought would live, who were turned 
over to the ambulance corps, and taken off as prisoners of war. They 
gave me a thorough examination, after which I asked them what they 
proposed to do with me. They told me my right hip and thigh were 
both broken, that the blood was fast dripping from the left leg, that 
it was no use to take me off, as I would "peg out" long before morn- 
ing. I had fallen between the legs of a wounded man, my head resting 
on his stomach; they dragged him from under me, and it fell to the , 
ground in the snow. 

1 told one of the surgeons that I would like to be taken to the 
hospital. He appeared to be a very pleasant gentleman. He said, 
"To tell you the truth, we haven't the facilities to get our own men 
off. We are taking as prisoners now only those of you we think will 
live. If I can return and take you, I will." 

A dead man lay at right angles to my position, his head against 
my right side, and another so that liis head was against mine; to avoid 
it, I had to turn my neck to the left. The head of a third was against 
my left breast. This man was not yet dead, groaning occasionally. I 
asked him where he was wounded; he was unable to reply. Seeing 
blood on his coat, I reached over, and found, and put my finger into a 
large bullet hole in the left breast. 

I now felt a vei-y severe cutting pain just above the hips; on 
reaching down I found I was lying on a two inch limb of a neighboring 
fallen tree, my body being suspended as if over a swing rope about six 
inches from the ground. 

Seeing several Confederates near by I called them; they came to 
me, when I told them I desired to be lifted from the limb, and away 
from the dead man at my right, so I would not be obliged to turn my 
head to one side. The head occupied nearly two inches of the space 
where mine would be if lying straight. One man took hold of my 
head, another my feet, and one my shoulders. The one at my feet 
lifted them first, fully three feet high. I could feel the broken thigh 
bone cutting its way through the muscles below. I gave such a piercing 
shriek that he dropped my legs as though frightened. I told them to 
try it again, and to all lift together. The one at my hips lifted first 
this time, and I felt the sharp cutting bone coming through the flesh. 
I put my hand down and could feel the end just under the skin. 



166 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE 

gave another yell, with the same result as before. Then I told them 
that would do, and they left in the direction of Dover. 

Sergeant John Lamb, of my company, came hobbhng up to me. 
He had been shot through the heel, and could walk but slowly and 
with great pain. I told him he would cei-tainly be taken prisoner, as 
they were already gathering them up; whereupon he turned and 
started away, but was, I have since learned, caught by the enemy, and 
taken to Nashville. On looking to my left, I saw a Confederate 
cavalry man riding toward the fort. I hailed him. He rode up and 
asked what I would have. I told him I wanted to see his gun; that I 
had just been shot by the cavalry, and would like to know what arm 
they used. He passed it to me. On examination I found it to be a 
Colt's revolving rifle, nearly new, of 56 caliber. He said his regiment 
was armed with them, and liked them very much, and that they were 
a very effective weapon. I replied that I was satisfied with their 
eflBciency and was a sample of it, then thanked him, and he rode 
away. He had scarcely left me, when I heai-d heavy musket firing in 
the rear. It drew nearer me by degrees, when suddenly I saw a large 
number of Confederate infantry passing by, many directly over me. 
I held up my hand, and none stepped on me. They were immediately 
followed by the "blue coats." I heard a voice say, " Hulloa, what is 
the matter with you?" On looking up I recognized Lieut. Morgan 
Potts. I knew him before the war. He ran on the Illinois Central 
Railroad as an express messenger between Dunleith and Bloomington, 
Illinois. I asked him what troops these were. He said the 8th Missouri 
and 11th Indiana -that he was a first lieutenant in the 8th and in com- 
mand of his company.' He asked me what he could do for me; I told 
him nothing now, but to go on with his companj^ and stop when he 
came back. The Confederates passed down the ravine below me, 
and over the rise on the opposite side, near where our regiment fought 
in the morning, formed at once in battle line, and opened fire. The 
two Federal regiments, not being in an advantageous position for an 
engagement, fell back past me — I judged by the firing about forty 
yards — formed in line of battle, and the fight opened. The " Rebs " 
fired low, and the bullets "sist" all around me, but as I was not in 
condition to dodge, I had to take what came. Several struck the log 
near me, and the splinters flew in my face. This log was next to the 
soldier on my left; from it came the limb that was giving me so much 
pain and annoyance. It seemed as though the battle lasted an hour, 
when both parties stopped firing, and the enemy retired towards Dover, 
I could hear no noise now, except the cries and groans of the wounded. 
Some of those near by I could individually recognize as thej' grew fainter 
and fainter, and finally ceased altogether. The soldier on my left had 
stopped groaning before the lastbattle, and putting my hand on the fore- 
head, found it was cold. The heads of the other two felt like pieces of 
ice. I was bare-headed, having lost my cap when I fell the first time. I 
could feel that it was growing very cold; judged it must be 16 or 20 

1 Cf. Reports 8th Missouiri and 11th Indiana, R. R. 7—233, 234. 



LIEUTENANT CHURCHILL 167 

degrees below freezing; the trees snapped, and the branches and 
twigs moved with a sharp, crispy sound. Night had come, and I was 
evidently between the respective picket lines. All ^hope of being 
taken from the field vanished, and I was left to my reveries. My mind 
was unus^ually active, and involuntai'ily ran to subjects singularly ap- 
propriate to the surroundings. I thought of the cold December battle 
of Hohenlinden, and recited Thomas Campbell's poem on that subject, 
and reviewed Napoleon's return from Moscow, and thought of the 
sufferings of his soldiers and soliloquizing, said, "Some of them lived, 
and why not I?" 

I must have remained in this thoughtful mood fully two hours, 
when I began to feel great pain, which was caused by the limb upon 
which I was lying, apparently cutting into my side and back. My 
head was resting against the dead man's on my right, and was getting 
very cold. In attempting to raise it, I found it fast; my hair had 
frozen in the snow and to the ground. I worked my hand under it, 
and by using my fingers as a lever, prie(J it out, and turned mj^ neck 
so as to bring my head against the dead man's shoulder on my left. 
I did not forget to change it every few moments during the rest of the 
night, so it would not freeze down again. I then got out my knife, 
and bringing it across to my left side, tried to cut off the limb. After 
cutting at it for nearly half an hour, I found I had made no impression 
upon it. It was of very hard half- seasoned oak, and my position was 
such that I could but just reach it. I was now seized with an intoler- 
able thirst, and commenced reaching about me, and filling my mouth 
with snow. Putting my hand under me, the central part of my body • 
being six inches from the ground, and held up by the limb, I found the 
snow had been melted under my hips by the hot blood, but now there 
were several small icicles of it from my pants, which were like boards, 
and the wounds had apparently frozen up. This undoubtedly saved 
my life, otherwise I would probably have bled to death. 

In feeling back of my head for snow, I felt a metallic substance. 
It proved to be a canteen filled with something frozen solid; it evi- 
dently belonged to the soldier who was drawn from under me. I took 
it by the strap and pounded it against the log, reaching over the face 
of the dead man at my left, until I had broken the contents in pieces, 
then taking my knife, I cut out one side of it; when, what should I 
find it to be, but frozen coffee, and what a feast I had. Ask any soldier 
what he prefers when worn out after a long fatiguing march — he will 
answer "hot coffee," without sugar or milk to demoralize it. Mine 
was cold, but good and strong, and I ate of it until the last fragment 
was gone. This over I again relapsed into my soliloquizing mood, and 
reviewed all that had occurred the past twenty-four hours, which 
seemed to me as many daj'S. Then I thought of the remark of the 
Duke of Wellington at Waterloo, at the anxious hour, when he said, 
"Would to God that night or Bliicher would come." With me it was 
"Would to God that day, or any one would come." During the night 
I would occasionally give a hearty yell, to see if my voice was growing 



168 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE 

weaker, but strange as it may appear, I could discern no change. 
Finally welcome streaks of light began to appear in the east. 

Shortly after daylight, private Madden, of Company "B" of my 
regiment, came to me, and said he was hunting the body of his Captain 
(Shaw). I knew where he had fallen and directed him to the.spot, and 
advised him to leave at once, or he would be captured, as I expected 
the enemy would be around shortly. He being alone could do nothing 
for me. [ J H. Madden is now. (1886), a merchant at Danville, Illinois, 
and a colonel and A. D. C. on the staff of Governor Oglesby.] 

On raising my head, I saw our assistant-surgeon, O. G. Hunt, 
looking about among the dead. I hailed him and he said, "I have 
been hunting for you for some time; supposed you were dead." He 
had a rubber canteen across his shoulder, which he handed me. It was 
filled with whiskey, and I drank of it until he took it from me. He 
told me the fort had just surrendered, which was gratifying news. He 
then left me and returned in a short time with seven or eight men of 
my company, carrying a camp cot. I gave them instructions how to 
lift me, which they carried out to the letter, and laid me carefully on 
it putting a blanket over me and one under my head, then started 
with me for the river. It was now about 10 a.m., Sunday. I had been 
lying there since noon on Saturday, or twenty-two hours. 

After going about half a mile the cot was letdown, the blanket 
slowly drawn back, and a man leaned over and kissed me. I imme- 
diately recognized First Lieutenant Fields, of my company. It looks 
very silly for any man to kiss another, but this was pardonable. It 
was a kiss of true affection, and I might say, congratulation, that I had 
been found alive, and it was so received and appreciated. Poor fellow, 
how little we thought then I would outlive him. He was mortally 
wounded at Shiloh, and is probably dead before this. 

On arriving at the river it was found that the hospital boats were 
full, and I was carried on board General Grant's headquarters boat, 
the "New Uncle Sam." My boots, pants, and stiffly frozen clothing, 
were cut to pieces to get them off; then my cot was carried aft, and 
set down beside that of Colonel John A. Logan, who had been wounded 
in the arm, as before stated. * * * 

Your loving Son, 

James. 



Letters from Colonel Thomas J. Newsham, Adjutant General of 
General C. F. Smith's Division to Gen. W. F. Smith' 

"Edwardsville, Illinois, Jtine 10th 1885. 
"Thursday the 18th of February 1862 the General's (Smiths) division 
held the left of General Grant's line investing Donelson— on that day 
the best brigade of the division at General Grant's request was sent to 
reinforce McClernand on the right of our line— another brigade was 
sent on the morning of the 14th, and the evening of that day another 

1 From Magazine of Americaii History, January, 1886, p. 40. 



COLONEL NEWSHAM 169 

brigade was sent by General Smith to help the same part of our line 
leaving us only the new troops which were constantly arriving from 
Cairo, and by Saturday the 15th we had not a single regiment of our 
old Paducah division, even our artillery was gone to the right by the 
General's (Grant's) orders. 

"Saturday we opened a brisk fire along our front and maintained 
the same all day. About 3 p m of Saturday the General and myself 
were sitting at the base of a large tree on the high ground on our ex- 
treme right when General Grant rode up with his staff and said 'Gen- 
eral Smith all has failed on our right — You must take Fort Donelson.' 
Smith sprung to his feet and brushing his moustache with his right 
hand said 'I will do it,' and turning to me said 'Capt Newsham ride 
to the left and get the regiments there under arms at once.' I did so 
and found the 2d Iowa, Colonel Tuttle on our extreme left having just 
arrived that morning. I had just got the men in line when the General 
(Smith) rode up and asked what regiment it was there in his front. I 
answered it was the 2d Iowa. He turned to the men and said 'Second 
Iowa you must take the fort -take the caps off your guns — fix bayonets 
and I will support you.' We then moved in the following order: the 2nd 
Iowa the 7th Iowa the 25th Indiana the 14th Iowa the 7th Illinois, moving 
out of the woods by the left flank until the colors reached the edge of 
the wood, then forward by column by wings, crossed the small stream — 
then through the abattis and up the hill — the General and myself im- 
mediately behind the first line and until within 20 paces of the line of 
works when the enemy oj^ened on us with double barrelled shot guns 
loaded with buckshot in our very faces. Great gaps were made in our 
line and through one of these in our front the General rode and we 
rode into the fort in advance of our line — in fact the General could 
have placed his hand on the heads of the rebels who were firing at our 
advancing men — the fight soon became a hand to hand one and for one 
hour and ten minutes until dark the battle raged fiercely; through it 
all the General was calm but terrible, recklessly exposing himself, and 
by his presence and heroic conduct led the green men to do things that 
no other man could have done. After making the required disposi- 
tions for the night he retired to his own camp at the foot of a white 
oak tree (our tents having been given for the use of the wounded) 
where he and his staff laid down in the snow, without food, waiting for 
daylight to renew the attack. The next morning before daylight the 
General called me and asked me to go to the front and see that every- 
thing was ready for a forward movement as soon as daylight appeared. 
( We had 4 regiments inside the works, and 8 regiments close up under 
the same.) Arriving there I found the men all quite ready and wait- 
ing only for daylight, when the Col. of the 2nd Iowa came to me and 
said there was a rebel officer on the picket line who wanted to know 
if there was an officer present who could negotiate for terms of sur- 
render. I told him no, but I would soon have one there who could do 
so; turning to go for the General, I soon met him and told him what 
had happened. He rode to the front, and the rebel Major asked the 



170 PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE 

General what terms he would give to them with a view to surrender 
the fort and army. Genl. Smith said, 'I make no terms with rebels 
with arms in their hands — my terms are unconditional and immediate 
surrender.' The Major then said, 'it will take me three-quarters of 
an hour to go to the Head Quarters and return.' The General replied, 
'I will give you one half hour to be back here with your answer — if 
not here in that time I will move on your works. Go.' Turning to 
me the General said, 'Captain, go and tell General Grant what I have 
done.' By this time it was light enough for me to see to ride pretty 
fast, and, arriving at the little Jog cabin which was General Grant's 
Head Quarters, I found General Grant eating breakfast with his staff, 
and reported to him as directed. Grant said, 'Tell Smith that I ap- 
prove all that he has done.' I was about to leave for the front again, 
when Grant said, 'Hold on, Captain; I will ride back with you;' 
which he did, and, arriving where Smith was, the rebel officer had just 
returned and Grant did the talking. 

'•Such in brief, was the part played by General Smith at Fort 
Donelson." 

In a letter dated October 29, 1885, Colonel Newsham gives other 
interesting facts. He says that just after the capture of the enemy's 
breastworks "Gen. Smith sent me for artillery and I brought two ten 
pounder Parrott guns inside and opened fire — the General told me the 
guns were too light and urged me to procure heavier ones, which I did 
by bringing up two twenty pounders. . . . As I passed out the 
second time in quest of the heavy guns and near Gen. Grant, he asked 
me if 'Smith wanted anything.' — Without any authority from Gen. 
Smith, I told Gen. Grant that he wanted some of his old regiments. 
Gen. Grant at once sent Capt. Rawlins to the right of his line to get 
the 9th Illinois (a regiment that Gen. Smith loved); when the fight 
closed for the night, and after making the required dispositions of the 
men inside (now 4 regiments) we started out to go to the camp for the 
night. Just outside there was a regiment drawn up in line of battle 
with about 50 men with bandages on their arms and legs. The General 
asked me what regiment it was; I answered the 9th; he asked what 
those white bandages were on the men for? — I told him they were on 
men who when they heard that he wanted them had left the field hos- 
pital and joined the regiment to do and die for him. We were now 
about the right of the regiment and the grand old hero at once took 
off his cap and i-ode down the fi-ont of the regiment bareheaded. The 
officers and men stood silent until he had passed, and then a cheer 
from their full hearts broke forth that told him how they appreciated 
the mark of respect he had paid them. We at once retired to our 
dreary camp, wet, cold and hungry— no tents— nothing to eat— but a 
great fire to warm us. We laid down after talking of the fight and the 
desperate work expected in the morning, and slept as best we could. 
... On Sunday morning, the 16th, after we started in and the sur- 
render had been consummated, we rode at the head of our division, 



COLONEL NEWSHAM 171 

the 2nd Iowa, in advance, and having passed the rebel battery on our 
right we came upon five rebel regiments standing in line with arms 
piled on the ground. Some of the officers came to General Smith and 
offered their swords which the General declined, saying, 'Gentlemen 
keep j^our swords.' We rode to the little town of Dover and there 
met General Buckner who extended his hand to General Smith, who 
declined to take it, when Buckner said: 'General Smith, I believe I 
am right:' the General answered, 'that is for God to decide, not me, 
for I know that I am right.' About 10 a.m., Buckner asked us to 
breakfast but the General declined, and we returned to the place of 
honor — the captured works on the right of the enemy's line, where 
after seeing that all the men had food we ate some hard tack and raw 
pork about 1 p.m. — the first food that had passed our lips since Friday 
morning. 

"When I begin to write of him I loved so much my pen is too 
slow to express half the incidents which crowd my memory. ..." 



MILITARY SOCIETY PAPERS 



Address of GeneralJohn A. Rawlins, to the Society of the Army of 

Tennessee ' 

Gentlemen of the Society op the Aemy op the Tennessee: 
Permit me to thank you for the honor you have conferred upon me in 
selecting me your first President. * * » 

On the 21st of November General Grant received General Hal- 
leck's orders, assuming con)mand of the department of the Missouri, 
and soon after, orders changing the name of his command to the Dis- 
trict of Cairo, extending it to include Paducah and leaving off Cape 
Girardeau, Mo. 

In January, 1862, in pursuance of orders from General Halleck, 
General Grant moved a force from Cairo and Bird's Point, via Fort 
Jefferson and Blandville, and one from Paducah, via Mayfleld, threat- 
ening Columbus and the enemy's line between there and Bowling 
Green as far as Fort Henry, with a view to aiding some movement 
General Buell was said to be about making. These movements lasted 
more than a week, and were very severe on the men, from the heavy 
fall of both rain and snow. But they have the satisfaction of knowing 
that while they were thus engaged on their end of the line, on the 19th 
day of January, General Geo. H. Thomas was covering himself and 
his command with glory at Mill Springs on the other end of the line, 
and that the information brought back by General C. F. Smith, as to 
the feasibility of taking Fort Henry, induced General Grant and Ad- 
miral Foote, on the 28th of January, to telegraph General Halleck for 

1 Delivered November 14, 1866. From Reunions of the Society of the Army of the 
Tennessee, 1866—1871. published by the Society, Cincinnati, Ohio, 1877, p. 24. 



172 MILITARY SOCIETY PAPERS 

permission to take and occupy it; to which General Halleck replied, 
January 30th, "Make your preparations to take and hold Fort Henry. 
I will send you written instructions by mail." 

In stating these facts I do not desire to be understood as setting 
np any special claim in General Grant, Admiral Foote, or General C. 
F. Smith, as originators of this movement, as against any claim any 
one else may have to that honor. In General Smith's report of his 
reconnoissance of Fort Henry, on the 22d of January, he stated that he 
thought two iron-clad gunboats would make short work of it. Grant, 
true to his soldierly instincts, said, "Well, if it can be taken, it should 
be without delay." Once there, we could operate either east or west. 
Admiral Foote favored it because he could attack from down stream, 
and if any of his vessels should become disabled, they would be car- 
ried by the current /?-om the batteries, not on to them; besides he 
could fight to better advantage up stream than down. 

On Saturday morning, February 1st, 1862, tlie gifted and noble 
McPherson, then Lieutenant-Colonel on General Halleck's staff, re- 
ported to General Grant for duty as Chief Engineer of the expedition, 
bringing with him General Halleck's instructions to General Grant. 

On the 2nd, General Grant left Cairo, and on the 6th, while the 
land forces, (General McClernand's Division, and Colonel Cook, with 
one brigade of General Smith's Division,) pushed forward on the east 
side of the river, to the rear of Fort Henrj', to cut off the retreat of 
the garrison, and (General Smith, with the other two brigades of his 
Division) moved up the west side to attack Fort Hickman, the Navy, 
under Admii-al Foote, attacked Fort Henry, and after a severe fight, 
of over an hour, compelled its surrender. But the garrison, save a 
company of artillerists, had escaped. Thus, within one week from the 
time it was authorized by General Halleck, was the much vaunted 
rebel line pierced, and our gunboats went through to Florence, 
Alabama. 

At Fort Henry there was a delay of a few days on account of 
heavy rains and the rise in the Tennessee River. On the 11th troops 
arriving on transports from below, were ordered to return and follow 
the gunboats up the Cumberland, landing, under their cover, as close 
to Fort Donelson as practicable; and the troops under General Mc- 
Clernand moved out three and four miles on the two roads leading to 
Fort Donelson; and early on the 12th were in rapid motion, followed 
by three brigades of General C. F. Smith's Division, for Fort Donelson. 
About 12 M. they struck the enemy's pickets, two miles from the Fort. 
These were rapidly driven in, and by dark Fort Donelson was closely 
invested from a point on Hickman Creek on our left, to well around 
toward Dover on our right — McClernand holding the right and Smith 
the left. 

On the 13th our lines were still further exteisded to the right, and 
an attempt made to capture a battery of the enemy, commanding the 
ridge-road on which we moved. The gunboats and troops commenced 



GENERAL RAWLINS 173 

arriving in the Cumberland, below Fort Donelson, and communication 
was opened with them. 

On the 14th, General Lew Wallace, with a brigade of Smith's 
Division, reported from Fart Henry, and was assigned to the command 
of a Division composed of the newly arrived troops, and took position 
in the centre of our line. McArthur's brigade of Smith's Division was 
moved to the extreme right. 

In the afternoon the navy attacked the river batteries, and after 
a most terrible conflict of over an hour and a half, were forced to 
withdraw. 

About 2 A. M., on the 15th, General Grant received a note from 
Admiral Foote, requesting that he come and see him as to the disposi- 
tion of his vessels, that they were very much disabled; and in response 
to this note, at early dawn, he started for the river. 

He had been gone but a short time when the enemy, massing his 
forces in front of McClernand, passed out of his works, furiously at- 
tacked our extreme right, held by McArthur, rapidly extending his 
attack towards our left, until the whole of McClernand's Division was 
a hot participant in the furious combat, and for hours maintained the 
unequal conflict. McArthur was compelled to give way. Oglesby's 
brigade showed signs of wavering, but held on until Cruft's brigade, of 
Lew Wallace's Division, arrived, when, owing to want of ammunition 
and severe losses, it passed out of line by regiments, from right to 
left, to the rear, leaving a battery in the hands of the enemy. John 
A. Logan's regiment was the last to leave. Oruft became hotly en- 
gaged, and fell slowly back in the direction of our ho -pitals, repelling 
several attacks and attacking the enemy in tui-n. Colonel W. H. L. 
Wallace firmly held his part of the line for some time after the giving 
way of the troops to his right, but with his flank exposed and his am- 
munition failing he deemed it injudicious to attempt to hold it longer, 
and fell back on the ridge-road toward Lew Wallace's position, for 
about three-quarters of a mile. Here he met Thayer's brigade of Lew 
Wallace's Division, and immediately opened his lines and let it pass to 
the front. Thayer had but got in position when the enemy made his 
appearance. He immediately opened fire upon him with both artillery 
and infantry. The enemy responded but feebly, and fell back toward 
his works. In the mean time, word having been sent to General 
Grant, he returned to the field, and meeting General Smith, learned 
from him, as far as he knew, the condition of things, and at once di- 
rected that he get his command in readiness to assault the enemy's 
works in his front, while he went to the right to see Generals McCler- 
nand and Wallace. When he reached there, the battle had greatly 
subsided, and the indications were that the enemy was withdrawing to 
within his works. He informed Generals McClernand and Wallace of 
the orders to Smith, and for them to be in readiness to renew the battle 
the moment he should make his attack. General Grant returned to 
the left and found General Smith ready to move. 



174 MILITARY SOCIETY PAPERS 

The place selected for the attack was in front of Lauman's brigade. 
The assaulting column was formed from that brigade, the Second 
Iowa, being most accessible, having the lead. This regiment, before 
giving the word to advance, General Smith formed into two lines of 
five companies front, thirty paces apart, informed them what they 
were to do, took his position between the lines thus formed, moved 
forward to the assault, and under a terrific fire of musketry and 
artillery, carried the enemy's lines at the point of the bayonet, effected 
a lodgment in his entrenchments, and secured the key to Fort 
Donelson. 

General Lew Wallace, reinforced by Morgan L, Smith's brigade 
of Smith's Division, and supported on his left by a brigade of McClern- 
and's, found the enemy in position near his works, and after a short 
but spirited combat, drove him into them, leaving in onr possession 
the battle-field, and the guns captured in the morning. 

With the early dawn of Sunday, February 16th, 1862, came a 
communication fi'om General Buckner, through General C. F. Smith, 
to General Grant, in these words: 

"In consideration of all the circumstances governing the present 
situation of affairs at this station, I propose, to the commanding officer 
of the Federal forces, the appointment of Commissioners to agree 
upon terms of capitulation of the forces and Post under my command, 
and in that view suggest an armistice until twelve o'clock to-day." 

Reading it to himself. Grant handed it to Smith, who also read it, 
saying as he finished, "No terms with traitors." General Grant, with- 
out seeming to have noticed what General Smith said, sat down and 
wrote: 

"Yours of this date, proposing armistice and appointment of 
Commissioners to settle terms of capitulation, is just received. No 
terms except unconditional and immediate surrender can be accepted. 
I propose to move immediately upon your works." 

Then, lifting his eyes to his old commandant, as I fancied he had 
done many times before at West Point, handed him what he had writ- 
ten, saying as he did so, "General, I guess this will do." At one glance 
Smith's soldierly eye caught not only its words but its spirit and with 
an enthusiasm, that a soldier in the immediate promise of victory only 
can feel, replied, "It could not be better." * * * 



MEMOIRS 

Of General Lev^^ Wallace 



Council of War at Fort Henry 
'It may be doubted if General Grant called a council of 
war. The nearest approach to it was a convocation held 

1 From General Wallace's narrative of " The Capture of Port Donelson," published 
in the Century Magazine, 1885. Reprinted from B. & L. I. — 404. 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 176 

on the New Uncle Sam, a steamboat that was afterwards 
transformed into the gun-boat Blackhawk. The morning of 
the 11th of February, a staff-officer visited each commandant 
of division and brigade with the simple verbal message: 
"General Grant sends his compliments, and requests to see 
you this afternoon on his boat." Minutes of the proceedings 
were not kept; there was no adjournment; each person retired 
when he got ready, knowing that the march would take 
place next day, probably in the forenoon. 

-Fort Henry was surrendered on February 6th. On the 10th, if I 
mistake not, an orderly crossed the river with a note for me, sealed, 
informal, but vei-y interesting. There would be, it said, a meeting of 
general officers at headquarters next day. Time — two o'clock, after- 
noon. My presence was desired. 

This, I saw, meant a council of war. How often had I read of 
such affairs in books of war! Now I was to see one and have a voice 
in it. * * * 

General Grant had his headquarters, as I now recollect, on the 
steamboat Tigress. * * * 

1 found my own way into the ladies' cabin. A section of tlie 
dinner-table and a few chairs completed the furnishment. * * * 

After little. General Grant stepped to the table and said, ever so 
quietly: "The question for consideration, gentlemen, is whether we 
shall march against Fort Donelson or wait for reinforcements. 1 
should like to have your views." He looked first at General Smith— 
we were all standing — and Smith replied, " There is every reason why 
we should move without the loss of a day." General McClernand, 
taking the sign next, drew out a paper and read it. He, too, was in 
favor of going at once. It had been better for him, probably, had he 
rested with a word to that effect; as it was, he entered into details of 
performance; we should do this going and that when we were come. 
The proceeding smacked of a political caucus, and I thought both 
Grant and Smith grew restive before the paper was finished; then, as 
if in haste to preclude ai'gument instantly that the reading ended. Grant 
turned to me, nodding, and I said, "Let us go, by all means; the 
sooner the better." Fast as called on, then, the others responded 
yes. I noticed Rawlins making note of the expressions as they were 
given. Finally, General Grant wound the meeting up by saying: 
"Very well, gentlemen, we will set out immediately. Orders will be 
sent you. Get your commands ready." 

This, to my knowledge, was the only council of war General 
Grant ever called. That the opinions submitted had any influence 
with him is hardly supposable. There is evidence tliat he had already 
determined upon the movement. 

2 From General Wallace's Autobiography, published, 1906, p. 376. 



176 MEMOIRS 

The Combat of February 15th 

^ When General McClernand perceived the peril threaten- 
ing him in the morning, he sent an officer to me with a re- 
quest for assistance. This request I referred to General 
Grant, who was at the time in consultation with Foote. 
Upon the turning of Oglesby's flank, McClernand repeated 
his request, with such a representation of the situation that, 
assuming the responsibility, I ordered Colonel Cruft to 
report with his brigade to McClernand. Cruft set out 
promptly. Unfortunately a guide misdirected him, so that 
he became involved in the retreat, and was prevented from 
accomplishing his object. 

=^The noise kept grinding on without lull or intermission. An 
hour — two hours — would it never end? The suspense became tor- 
turous. At last a horseman galloped up from the rear. He gave me 
the name of Brayman, major and assistant adjutant-general. 

"lam from General McClernand," he said, "sent to ask assis- 
tance of you. The general told me to tell you the whole rebel force 
in the fort massed against him in the night. Our ammunition is giving 
out. We are losing ground. No one can tell what will be the result 
if we don't get immediate help.'' 

A dilemma, this, and a serious one. I explained my orders to 
Major Brayman, and then despatched Lieutenant Ware at speed to 
the Crisp house for permission to help McClernand. This was about 
eight o'clock. 

In good time Ware returned, and reported General Grant on 
board the gun-boat St. Louis, in conference with Flag-OfBcer Foote. 
Nobody at headquarters felt authorized to act on my request. Major 
Brayman left me. The battle, meantime, roared on. 

Afterwhile a second messenger came from General McClernand, 

Colonel , a gray- haired man in uniform. His news could hardly 

be worse, and he spoke with tears in his eyes. 

" Our right flank is turned," he said. " The regiments are being 
crowded back on the center. We are using ammunition taken from 
the dead and wounded. The whole army is in danger." 

My impulse had been to send help at the first asking; that impulse 
was now seconded by judgment. Disaster to the first division meant 

exactly what Colonel had said. If that division were rolled 

back on me, a panic might ensue. In the absence of the commanding 
general, the responsibility was mine. A regiment was not enough to 
meet the demand. The colonel had come attended by a younger man 

1 From B. & L. I.— 420. Cf. Report K. R. 7—236. 

2 From Autobiography, p. 399. 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 177 

I was in the rear of my single remaining brigade, in 
conversation with Captain Rawlins, of Grant's staff, when a 
great shouting was heard behind me on the Wynn's Ferry 
road, whereupon I sent an orderly to ascertain the cause. 
The man reported the road and woods full of soldiers ap- 
parently in rout. An officer then rode by at full speed, 
shouting, "All's lost! Save yourselves!" 

whose name has slipped me, and I said, " Tell General McClernand 
that I will send him my first brigade with Colonel Cruft. I will retain 
this gentleman to serve as guide." 

Thereupon I hastened to Colonel Cruft, and, after explanation, 
ordered him to take his command as rapidly as possible and report to 
General McClernand. Cruft acted promptly, and moved off through 
the woods under direction of the guide. 

[As an indication of the character of the man, General McCler- 
nand's report of his part in the capture of Fort Donelson is a very re- 
markable paper. 

For example, he says in that report: "The Seventeenth Ken- 
tucky, Thirty-first Indiana, and Twenty-fifth Kentucky, commanded 
by Colonel Charles Cruft, coming up between nine and ten o'clock, a. 
m., was hailed by members of ray staff with encouraging words, and 
formed as a reserve in the rear of the Twenty-ninth, Eight and Thir- 
tieth (Illinois). The Forty-fourth Indiana, Colonel H. B. Reed, follow- 
edaboutanhour after, and formed in the rear of the Thirty -first.'' From 
this it would appear that the importunities of McClernand's first mes- 
senger and the tears of his second meant .merely that their chief was 
not in need, except of a reserve. 

In return for one-half of my command sent him, to say nothing of 
the responsibility assumed by me in face of orders. General McClern- 
and also says in the same report: "The reinforcement was generous- 
ly brought forward by Colonel Cruft upon his own responsibility, in 
the absence of General Wallace, his division commander, in compliance 
with my request, borne by Major Brayman, assistant adjutant-general 
of my division." This is not only a repudiation of my sympathy for 
him in his distress, but is a charge that in a crisis I was absent from my 
division. Fortunately, Colonel Cruft is a witness in my behalf. In his 
report of the fight, he says: "... At eight-thirtj', a.m.. General 
Wallace's order was received to put the brigade in rapid motion to the 
extreme right of our line, for the purpose of reinforcing General Mc- 
Clernand's division." See Rebellion Records, series 1, vol. vii., p. 243.] 

This left me only Thayer's brigade and the Minnesingers, whom 
I joined. Afterwhile Captain Rawlins came out to me, and I gave him 
an account of the messengers from General McClernand, and of what 
I had done with Cruft. 

While we talked, stra^gglers from the fight appeared coming on 
the run up a half-defined road that dropped with the decline of the 
ridge we were on and led off to the right. We scarcely noticed the 
fugitives, so much more were we drawn by the noise behind them. 
That grew in volume, being a compound of shouts and yells, mixed with 



178 MEMOIRS 

' A hurried consultation was had with Rawlins, at the 
end of which the brigade was put in motion toward the 
enemy's works, on the very road by which Buckner was 
pursuing under Pillow's mischievous order. 

It happened also that Colonel W, H. L. Wallace had 
dropped into the same road with such of his command as 
staid by their colors. He came up riding and at a walk, his 

^the rattle of wheels and the rataplan and throbbing rumble of hoofs 
in undertone. 

"What can that be?'' Rawlins asked. 

"It beats me. But I'll find out," I said. 

I called to an orderly, "Ride and see what all that flurry means." 
And as a suspicion of the truth broke through my wonder, I further 
bade him: "Don't spare your horse. Quick!" 

Then, as Rawlins and I sat waiting, an oflicer mounted and bare- 
headed and wild-eyed, rode madly up the road and past us, crying in 
shrill repetition, "We're cut to pieces!" 

Now I had never seen a case of panic so perfectly defined, and it 
was curious, even impressive. Rawlins, however, was not disposed to 
view the spectacle philosophically. Jerking a revolver from his hol- 
ster, he would have shot the frantic wretch had I not caught his hand. 
He remonstrated with me viciously, but the orderly came back at full 
speed and with an ominous look on his face. 

"What is it!" I asked. 

And he said: "The road back there is jammed with wagons, and 
men afoot and on horseback, all coming toward us. On the plains we 
would call it a stampede.'^ 

We looked at each other — Rawlins and I — and there was no need 
of further question. The first division was in full retreat. 

"What are you going to do?" he asked. 

"There's but one thing I can do." 

What is that?" 

"Get this brigade out of the way. If those fellows strike my 
people, they will communicate the panic." 

"Where will you go?" 

"To take that way," pointing to the rear, "is to retreat, and carry 
the panic to General Smith; so I'll go right up this road toward the 
enemy." 

"Good-bye," Rawlins said. "I would go with you, but this thing 
must be reported." 

He rode slowly off, thinking, doubtless, that he might alarm the 
men whom he must pass if he hurried. 

Then, at my word, the drummers beat the long roll. The men took 

1 B. & L. 1—420. Cf. Report R. R. 7—237. 

2 From Autobiography, p. 401. 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 179 

leg over the horn of his saddle. He was perfectly cool, and 
looked like a farmer from a hard day's plowing. "Good- 
morning," I said. "Good-morning," was the reply. "Are 
they pursuing you?" "Yes." "How far are they behind?" 
That instant the head of my command appeared on the road. 
The Colonel calculated, then answered: "You will have 
about time to form line of battle right here." "Thank you. 
Good-day." 

arms. "By the right flank, file left!" And out of column of companies 
they went so neatly that I asked Tha3'er where the regiments were 
from, and he said, "From Buell's army." And, my confidence rising, 
I said: "Good! Now, right shoulder, shift, and double-quick." 

I gave an instant to the coming mob, and believing from the sound 
that there would be time to get the last of my regiments clear of it and 
contagion, I called to my staff and hastened forward. 

Cruft, I discovered, had, in his haste, left his pickets to my care, 
and I sent an officer to assemble them into column. I also discovered 
that the road by which we were moving veered somewhat to the right 
of the fort. Then, the woods still covering us, I came upon numbers 
of men — how many I may not venture to say — in squads, companies, 
and fractional regiments under lead of officers. Some of them bore 
regimental colors. They were not in the least panicky — not even in a 
hurry. 

Once I asked, "Where are you from?" 

"From the front, where else do you think?" And there was a 
roar of laughter. 

Of another party, a good-sized battalion, I inquired, "What's 
your regiment, men?" 

"Oglesby's. Have you seen him? He's hit." 

Still another answered the same inquiry, "McArthur's.'' 

"Where are you going?" 

"We're looking for ammunition. Got any?" 

And that was the general cry, "Cartridges, cartridges!" 

I saw, finally, an officer riding slowly towards me, one leg thrown 
over the horn of his saddle and four or five hundred men with a flag 
behind him. I galloped to meet him. 

"Good morning," I said. "May I ask who you are?" 

"My name is Wallace," he returned, stopping. 

"Oh, you are Colonel W. H. L. Wallace ! Well, my name is Wallace." 

"Lew Wallace, of the Eleventh Indiana?" 

"The same." 

We shook hands, he saying: "Our names, and the number of our 
regiments — mine is the Eleventh Illinois— have been the cause of great 
profanity in the post office." 



180 MEMOIRS 

^At that point the road began to dip into the gorge; on 
the right and left there were woods, and in front a dense 
thicket. An order was dispatched to bring Battery A 
forward at full speed. Colonel John A. Thayer, command- 
ing the brigade, formed it on the double-quick into line; the 
1st Nebraska and the 58th Illinois on the right, and the 58th 
Ohio; with a detached company, on the left. The battery 

-"Mixture of letters, I suppose?'' 

"Yes." 

I noted him hurriedly, a man above medium height, florid in face, 
wearing a stubby, reddish beard, with eyes of a bluish cast and a 
countenance grave and attractive. 

"1 take it, colonel, you are getting out of a tight place.'' 

"Yes, we got out of ammunition.'' 

"That's bad," I said; "but I can help you. Down the road by a 
big tent, which is mine, and at your service, you will find two wagons. 
They, too, are mine, and loaded with ammunition. Help yourself, and 
tell McUlernand to do the same.'' 

"Thank you. I will do it.'' 

His men were halted; facing them, he called out in a cheery 
voice, "Forward.'' 

"A moment, colonel,'' I said. "Are the enemy following you?" 

"Yes." 

" How far are they behind?" 

Just then the head of my column hove into view. The colonel 
8aw it. 

"Are those yours? " 

"Yes." 

"Well" — his face took on an expression of calculation — "you 
will about have time to form a line of battle here." 

"Is that so? Then please give my men i-oom to come — and good- 
bye, colonel. I'll see you again." 

We shook hands and separated. 

A word from one so cool and thoughtful as Colojiel W. H. L. 
Wallace was enough. The moment called for action. I saw it with a 
great jump of the heart, though the necessities of the situation gripped 
my senses hard. I looked over the ground right and left, and saw the 
surface open and smooth, then in front, and discovered myself on the 
brow of a descent, down which the road narrowed as it dipped between 
walls of brush and low trees of second growth. As a position, the ad- 
vantages were all mine. And now to get in my line! The Minne- 
singers in the road, a regiment right of it, another left. 

"Ride," I said to Ross, "and tell Pete Wood to come. TeU him 

1 From B. & L. 1—420. 

2 From Autobiography, p. 404. 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 181 

came up on the run and swung across the road, which had 
been left open for it. Hardly had it unlimbered, before 
the enemy appeared, and firing began. For ten minutes or 
thereabouts the scenes of the morning were reenacted. The 
Confederates struggled hard to perfect their deployments. 
The woods rang with musketry and artillery. The brush 
on the slope of the hill was mowed away with bullets. A 

he has the right of way, and to stop at nothing.'' 

Ross scarcely took breath before he was gone. 

Thayer came up, and I gave him the situation. 

"File the First Nebraska to the right, the next regiment to the 
left. The two will support the battery between them here. Make a 
second line of your four regiments, and hold it in reserve behind the 
First Nebraska." 

Thayer was quick, yet I helped him. And while we worked, I 
heard the rattling of wheels and whips cracking like pistols, and, look- 
ing back, beheld Pete Wood coming. I have lived long, and seen 
many things thrilling, but never anything to approach that battery. 
It drove forward full spped, the horses running low, the riders 
standing in their stirrups plying their whips, guns and caissons bounc- 
ing over root and rut like playthings, the men clinging to their seats 
like monkeys. No shouting — only Wood in front with his sword waving 
"Forward.'' I fancied the trees trembled as the wheels rolled by 
them; I know the ground shook earthquake-like. Well done, Batterj' 
A! Well done, my Minnesingers! You treated me there and then to 
the most splendid and inspiring spectacle in the repertoire of war. I 
have not forgotten it — I can never forget it. 

And yet not too soon! 

^For while I watched the amazing advent, down the road in front 
rifles began to crackle and bullets to sing in the air. I beckoned Wood, 
and probably shouted, "Hurry, hurry!" 

The firing seemed right on us, not fifty paces away. I noticed it 
extending rapidly, despite the undergrowth, in front of the First 
Nebraska, and formed a theory respecting the attack. Instead of 
advancing in line of battle, the enemy had marched up the cramped 
road in files of four, and, meeting us unexpectedly, were trying 
to deploy. It was a tactical mistake with a terrible penalty in 
payment. All we had to do was to ply them with fire. Thayer had then 
got the First Nebraska and the Fifty-eighth Illinois in line, the former 
next the road on the right. I gave him a sign. He spoke to McCord, 
of the First Nebraska. I saw their muskets rise and fall steadily as if 
on a parade-ground. A volley- and smoke — and after that constant 
fire at will fast as skilled men could load. 

Then Wood arrived, and without slackening speed wheeled his 
first section into battery right across the road. I heard him shout: 



182 MEMOIRS 

'great cloud arose and shut out the woods and the narrow 
valley below. Colonel Thayer and his regiments behaved 
with great gallantry, and the assailants fell back in con- 
fusion and returned to the intrenchments. W. H. L. Wallace 
and Oglesby reformed their commands behind Thayer, sup- 
plied them with ammunition, and stood at rest waiting for 
orders. There was then a lull in the battle. Even the can- 
nonading ceased, and everybody was asking, What nex-t? 

* "Grape now. Double-shot them, boys!" He could not see the foe- 
men, I knew. But why look for them? Was not their fire sufficient? 
Almost before the wheels were stationary his guns opened; a moment 
more and I lost sight of guns and men in a deepening cloud of smoke. 
The gallant fellows were doing the right thing. A section on the right 
of the first one, and on the left a section. Now, indeed, they will be 
more than men who, only fifty paces off, can deploy into line in face 
of the first Nebraska and my Minnesingers! 

Having time then to give attention to the support on the left of 
the battery, to my astonishment I found next the guns a company of 
the Thirty-second Illinois. It did not belong to my command, and 
how it came there I do not know. It was ready to fight; that was 
enough. I let the captain (Davidson) alone. The Fifty-eighth I broke 
half to the rear. As yet its colonel, not having been attacked, had 
reserved his fire. 

This was the moment of the arrival of the Forty-sixth Illinois, 
Colonel Davis; the Fifty-seventh Illinois, Colonel Baldwin; the Fifty- 
eighth Illinois, Colonel Lynch; and the Twentieth Ohio, Colonel 
Whittlesey. The Fifty-eighth Illinois I posted on the left of the Fifty- 
eighth Ohio; and the pressure being too great to ask about seniority, 
the other new-comers were thrown into column of regiments, and 
marched across the road as an additional reserve to Colonel Thayer. 
The truth is, I did not know anything of the strength of the enemy, or 
where the brunt of his attack would fall; particularly as firing was 
audible at a distance on my right, and cannon were beginning to 
help the assailants in my front. In such a situation I fancied it im- 
possible to have reserves in excess. 

The fight was now set, and we were on the defensive. For three- 
quarters of an hour it went on, confined, strangely enough, to the 
space covered by the First Nebraska and Battery A. Occasionally 
Woods, of the Seventy-sixth Ohio, from his position on the right of 
the First Nebraska, threw in a volley left oblique. The Confederate 
artillery, having to fire up hill, was of no service. Their shot and 
shells flew over the trees. I would not be understood as speaking 
lightly of the Confederates. The struggle on their part was to get 
into line, and in that they were persistent to obstinacy. Twice they 

1 From B. & L. 1—421. ' 

2 From Autobiography, p. 406. 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 183 

Just then General Grant rode up to where General 
McClernand and I were in conversation. He was almost 
unattended. In his hand there were some papers, which 
looked like telegrams. Wholly unexcited, he saluted and 
received the salutations of his subordinates. Proceeding at 
once to business, he directed them to retire their commands 
to the heights out of cannon range, and throw up works. 
Reenforcements were en route, he said, and it was advisable 

quit, then returned to the trial. A third time repelled, they went 
back to stay. Prom a height Colonel Cruft saw them retreat pell-mell 
into their works. General Buckner, however, softens the description. 
He speaks of the repulse as a " withdrawal without panic, but in some 
confusion." 

When the affair was over our loss struck me most strangely, it 
was comparatively so trifling —Battery A, three wounded; the First 
Nebraska, three killed, seven wounded. This was due partly to our 
advantage of position, and in part to the desultory and up-hill work of 
the enemy. As to the Confederate loss, I saw dead men in the brush 
and in tlie road enough to sicken me. Several of the desperately 
wounded we picked up and cared for as if they were our own, though 
the greater number of those unfortunates had been carried off by their 
comrades. 

I lost no time in sending pickets to cover my front; then, quiet 
restored, congratulations were in order. 

Cruft not having reported, a scouting-party found him intact on 
a height over on the right, which I ordered him to hold. After making 
connections with him by a line of skirmishers, the division, grown to 
pretentious proportions, was more carefully established in its position. 
There we waited. At intervals shells from the fort sailed over our 
heads and on into the woods; and it was observable that the men re- 
ceived them with jeers and jokes. Nothing veteranizes soldiers like a 
successful fight. 

The success, it may as well be admitted, more than gratified me. 
With a brigade thrust between it and its over-confident pursuers, I 
had been instrumental in relieving the first division from an imminent 
peril. And when, the next day. Captain Hillyer, aide-de-camp, sent 
me a note, saying, "/ speak advisedly. God bless you! You did save 
the day on the right!" I had no doubt my conduct was fully appre- 
ciated at headquarters. 

[General McClernand, in his official report, acknowledged that 
his whole command fell back from the left of their position in the 
morning four hundred yards, and that I formed a portion of my fresh 
troops in front of his second line. He then proceeds to rob Lieutenant 
Wood and Battery A of credit by giving the repulse of the enemy to 
Captain Taylor, of his division. He even claims the Confederate dead 
found in the road after the repulse. Nowhere in his report is there a 



184 MEMOIRS 

Ho await their coming. He was then informed of the mishap 
to the First Division, and that the road to Charlotte was 
open to the enemy. 

^His face flushed slightly. With a sudden grip he 
crushed the papers in his hand. But in an instant these 

^shadow of acknowledgment to me or my division, not even for the 
ammunition with which his men supplied themselves out of my wagons. 
All he plausibly can he appropriates to himself.] 

I had long since learned that proud men in the throes of ill-for- 
tune dislike to have the idle and curious make spectacles of them; 
especially do they hate condolence; wherefore I refrained from going 
to take a look at the first division reorganizing in my rear. It seemed 
to me a good time to attend to my own business. 

However, as the town clocks in the cities of the country endowed 
with such luxuries were getting ready to strike three, an officer rode 
up from the rear, and hearing him ask for me, I went to him, 

"Are you General Wallace?" he asked. 

"I am — at your service.'' 

"Well," he said, "I am — "■ 

Just then a round shot from the fort, aimed lower than usual, 
passed, it really seemed, not more than a yard above us. We both 
"ducked" to it. and when I raised my head almost from my horse's 
neck the stranger was doing himself the same service. We looked at 
each other, and it was impossible not to laugh. 

"I don't know," he said, jocularly, "in what school you were 
taught to bow, but that one was well done." 

"Yes,'' I retorted, "mine was nearly as low as yours." 

To which he added, "They were both behind time"; meaning 
that they were given after the ball had passed. 

Then he took up his fractured remark. 

"I was about to say I am General McClernand." 

. . . We shook hands, and he was giving me the details of his 
battle of the morning, when General Grant joined us, mounted, and 
attended by a single orderly. I noticed papers in General Grant's 
right hand which had the appearance of telegrams, and that he seemed 
irritated and bothered trying to keep some active feeling down. Of 
course McClernand and I saluted, and gave him instant attention. 

From the hollow in front of my position a dropping fire kept 
ascending. 

"Pickets?" General Grant asked. 

"My pickets,'' I replied. 

"They will get over that after while," lie remarked; then, seriously: 
"Foote must go to Cairo, taking his iron-clads, some of which are 

1 From B. & L., 1—421. Cf. Report, R. R. 7—238. 

2 From Autobiography, p. 410. 



r 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 185 

signs of disappointment or hesitation— as the reader pleases 
— cleared away. In his ordinary quiet voice he said, 
addressing himself to both officers, "Gentlemen, the posi- 
tion on the right must be retaken." With that he turned 
and galloped off. 

seriously damaged. We will have to await his return; meantime, our 
line must be retired out of range from the fort." 

He stopped. The idea was detestable to him — bitterly so, and, 
seeing it, I asked to make a suggestion. 

He turned to me with a questioning look. 

"We have nobody on the right now," I said, "and the road to 
Olarksville is open. If we retire the line at all, it will be giving the 
enemy an opportunity to get away tonight with all he has." 

Grant's face, already congested with cold, reddened perceptibly, 
and his lower jaw set upon the other. Without a word, he looked at 
McClernand, who began to explain. Grant interrupted him. 

"Gentlemen," he said, "that road must be recovered before 
night." Gripping the papers in his hand — I heard them crinkle — he 
continued: "I will go to Smith now. At the sound of your fire, he 
will support you with an attack on his side." 

Thereupon he turned his horse and rode off at an ordinary trot, 
while following him with my eyes, wondering at the simplicity of the 
words in a matter involving so much, I saw Colonel Morgan L. Smith 
coming up the road beyond him at the head of some troops, and guess- 
ed who they were. 

General McClernand then spoke. "The road ought to be recov- 
ered — Grant is right about that. But Wallace, you know I am not 
i-eady to undertake it." 

The significance of the remark was plain. The road in question 
ran through the position his division had occupied in the morning; and 
feeling now that General Grant had really been addressing him, Gen- 
eral McClernand was asking me to take the proposed task off his 
hands. I thought rapidly — of my division, by Cruft's return intact, 
and reinforced— of the Eleventh Indiana and the Eighth Missouri so 
opportunely arrived — of Colonel Morgan L. Smith — of the order hold- 
ing me strictly to the defensive now released. 

"Did you send to General Charles F. Smith for assistance?" Task- 
ed McClernand. 

"Yes." 

Well, I see some troops coming, ordered probably to report to 
you; if they are, and you will direct the officer commanding to report 
to me, I will try recovery of the road." 

At McClernand's request one of my aides — Ross, I think — rode at 
speed to meet Colonel Morgan L. Smith. Returning, he said, "It is 
Colonel Smith from General Charles F. Smith, ordered to report to 
General McClernand." 



186 MEMOIRS 

^Seeing in the road a provisional brigade, under Colonel 
Morgan L. Smith, consisting of the 11th Indiana and the 8th 
Missouri Infantry, going, by order of General C. F. Smith, 
to the aid of the First Division, I suggested that if General 
McClernand would order Colonel Smith to report to me, I 
would attempt to recover the lost ground; and the order hav- 
ing been given, I reconnoitered the hill, determined upon a 
place of assault, and arranged my order of attack. I chose Col- 
onel Smith's regiments to lead, and for that purpose conduct- 
ed them to the crest of a hill opposite a steep bluff covered 
by the enemy. The two regiments had been formerly of my 

2 "Go back, then," said McClernand, "and tell the colonel that I 
request him to report to General Wallace." 

Whereupon I said: "It is getting late, and what is done must be 
before night. If you will excuse me, I will go at it." 

"Certainly," McClernand replied, adding, "I have two or three 
regiments in order under Colonel Ross, of my division, whom you may 
find useful." 

"All right; send them on." 

And as General McClernand left me, 1 sent to Colonel Smith di- 
recting him to halt his regiments behind the battery; with my staff, I 
then set out to see as much as possible of the ground to be recovered, 
and decide how best to arrange the attack. My horse objected to the 
dead men still lying in the road; but getting past them, the hill dipped 
down into a hollow of width and depth. At the left there was a field; 
all else appeared thinly covered with scattered trees. The pickets in 
the hollow were maintaining a lively fusilade, so I turned into the 
field. I could then see the road ran off diagonally to the right. A 
bluff rose in front of me partially denuded, and on top of it Confederate 
soldiers were visible walking about and blanketed. Off to the left the 
bluff flattened as it went. In that direction I also saw a flag not the 
stars and stripes, and guessed that the fort lay in studied contraction 
under it. I saw, too, a little branch winding through the hollow, and 
thought of my poor horse, then two days without water. The men 
keeping the thither height caught sight of my party, and interrupted 
me in the study of their position. Their bullets fell all around us. One 
cut a lock out of the mane of a horse of one of my orderlies. But I 
had what we came for, and got away, nobodj^ hurt. 

Upon my rejoining them at the battery, the old regiments (Eighth 
and Eleventh) cheered me; whereat the fort opened, firing harmlessly 
at the sound. The Eleventh, from their stacked arms, crowded around 
John — "Old Bailey", they called him — and filling a cap-ful of crumbled 
crackers, some of them fed him what he would eat. They would have 

1 From B. & L. I.— 422. Of. Report R. R. 7—236. 

2 From Autobiography, p. 413. 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 187 

brigade. I knew they had been admirably drilled in the 
Zouave tactics, and my confidence in Smith and George F. 
McGinnis, colonel of the 11th, was implicit, I was sure they 
would take their men to the top of the blufi". Colonel Cruft 
was put in line to support them on the right. Colonel Ross, 
with his regiments, the 17th and 49th, and the 46th, 57th, 
and 58th Illinois, were put as support on the left. Thayer's 
brigade was held in reserve. These dispositions filled the 
time till about 2 o'clock in the afternoon, when heavy can- 
nonading, mixed with a long roll of musketry, broke out over 
on the left. 

given him drink from their canteens had there been a vessel at hand 
to hold the water. 

While that went on, I got my orders off. Crnft was told, by messen- 
ger, to take his brigade down into the hollow, and form line at the foot 
of the hill held by the Confederates, his left resting on the Wynne's 
Ferry road. When in position he was to notify me. 

Smith was informed of what I have called the bluff, and told that 
it was to be his point of attack -that he was to conduct the main at- 
tack, supported by Cruft on his right and by Ross on the left, and that 
he was to make the ascent in column of regiments 

Thayer I directed to keep his present position, holding his brig- 
ade in reserve with the battery. 

By and by Colonel Ross he of Illinois — came up, bringing the 
Seventeenth and Forty-ninth Illinois regiments that had behaved with 
distinction in Colonel Morrison's misassault on the 14th. To him I ex- 
plained that his position would be on the left of the main attack as a 
support. 

I also gave notice to Smith and Ross that I would pei-sonally put 
them in position. 

When these preliminaries were disposed of, I looked at the sun 
and judged that there were at least two hours left me for the opera- 
tion. 

While waiting to hear from Cruft, I chaffed with the old regi- 
ments. Of the Eighth Missouri I wanted to know at what hotel they 
had put up for the night. 

"At the Lindell, of course," one of them responded. 

"How were the accommodations?" 

" Cold, but cheap.'" 

This excited a great laugh. 

Halting in front of the Eleventh, I said: "You fellows have 
been swearing for a long time that I would never get you into a tight. 
It's here now. What have you to say?" 

A spokesman answered: "We're ready. Let her rip.'^ 



188 MEMOIRS 

'Riding to my old regiments, —the 8th Missouri and 
the 11th Indiana, —I asked them if they were ready. They 
demanded the word of me. Waiting a moment for Morgan 
L. Smith to light a cigar, I called out, "Forward it is, 
then!" They were directly in front of the ascent to be 
climbed. Without stopping for his supports, Colonel Smith 
led them down into a broad hollow, and catching sight of 
the advance, Cruft and Ross also moved forward. As -the 
two regiments began the climb, the 8th Missouri slightly in 
the lead, a line of fire ran along the brow of the height. 
The flank companies cheered while deploying as skirmishers. 
Their Zouave practice proved of excellent service to them. 
Now on the ground, creeping when the fire was hottest, 

2 Very un-Napoleonic, but very American. 

Then heavy firing arose out of the hollow, and soon afterwards a 
man galloped up the hill to tell me that Colonel Cruft was in position, 
his left on the road. 

'' It is time to move," I said to Smith. 

" Wait until I light a fresh cigar. " 

That done, and Colonel Ross told to follow, we set off down the 
road. Hardly had Smith, with whom I was riding, got half-way 
across the hollow, going straight for the bluif, when a fire ran along 
the top of it and bullets zipped angrily through the trees, showering 
us with leaves and twigs. To reply would have required a halt. At 
the foot of the ascent I left my Missouri friend, saying: "Try the 
Zouaves on them, colonel, and remember to deploy McGinnis when you 
are nearly up." 

Colonel Ross, to whom I rode next, had deployed his command. 
Going with him until clear of Smith's ground, I asked, "You under- 
stand your part, colonel? " 

" Yes," he said, " it is to take care of the left of the main attack." 

It took me but a moment to get to Cruft, who was exchanging a 
ragged fire with the enemy above him. 

"Colonel Smith is next you on the left," I said to him. "Keep a 
little behind his line and when you have cleared the hill, swing left 
towards the fort, pivoting on him." 

I hurried then to the open field spoken of; and by the time I 
reached it, selected a stand-point for general oversight, and adjusted 
my field-glass, the advance had become general where Ross and Cruft 
were ascending slowly, inch by inch, the musketry had risen in mea- 
sure, and the trees stood half veiled in a sm-oke momentarily deepen- 
ing. 

1 B. i& L. I.— 423. 

2 From Autobiography, p. 415. 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 189 

running when it slackened, they gained ground with aston- 
ishing rapidity, and at the same time maintained a fire that 
was like a sparkling of the earth. For the most part the 
bullets aimed at them passed over their heads and took 
effect in the ranks behind them. Colonel Smith's cigar was 
shot off close to his lips. He took another and called for 
a match. A soldier ran and gave him one. "Thank you. 
Take your place now. We are almost up," he said, and, 
smoking, spurred his horse forward. A few yards from 
the crest of the height the regiments began loading and 
firing as they advanced. The defenders gave way. On the 
top there was a brief struggle, which was ended by Cruft 
and Ross with their supports. 

Presently my glass settled on Colonel Morgan L. Smith and the 
climb in his front, which I judged of three hundred short steps. In the 
patches of snow on the bluffy breast I also noticed some clumps of 
shrubs and a few trees, and here and there what appeared to be out- 
cropping of rock. The disadvantages were obvious; yet, counting 
them as odds in the scale of chances, they were not enough to shake 
my confidence in the outcome, for there were advantages to be taken 
into the account— among them the Zouave training of both the regi- 
ments, meaning that they were nimble on their hands and knees far 
beyond the ordinary infantrymen, that they could load on their backs 
and fire with precision on their bellies, and were instinctively obser- 
servant of order in the midst of disorder. Indeed, purpose with them 
answered all the ends of alignment elbow to elbow. 

While making these observations my attention was drawn off by 
musketry blent with the pounding of artillery in the distance over at 
the left. It was General Charles F. Smith's supporting attack as 
promised by General Grant. Then it came to me suddenly that the 
crisis of the great adventure was on the army, and that as it went the 
victory would go. A feverish anxiety struck me. My tongue and 
throat grew dry and parched. I have the feeling now even as I write, 
such power have incidents at times to stamp themselves on memory. 

Returning then to Colonel Smith, I saw skirmishers spring out 
and cover the front of his column. To my astonishment I also saw 
the man himself on horseback behind his foremost regiment, bent on 
riding up the hill — a perilous feat under the most favorable circum- 
stances. 

I would like to describe the ascension of the height by the regi- 
ments under Smith, but cannot, for, take it all in all, it was the most 
extraordinary feat of arras I ever beheld. In the way of suggestion 
merely, the firing from the top was marked by lulls and furious out- 
bursts. In the outbursts the assailants fell to their hands and knees. 



190 MEMOIRS 

^The whole line then moved forward simultaneously, 
and never stopped until the Confederates were within the 
works. There had been no occasion to call on the reserves. 
The road to Charlotte was again effectually shut, and the 
battle-field of the morning, with the dead and wounded 
lying where they had fallen, was in possession of the Third 
Division, which stood halted within easy musket-range of 

^ and took to crawling, while in the lulls — occasioned by smoke settling 
so thickly in front of the defenders that they were bothered in taking 
aim — yards of space were gained by rushes. And these were the 
spectacles impossible of description. To get an idea of them the 
reader must think of nearly two thousand vigorous men simulta- 
neously squirming or dashing up the breast of a steep hill slippery 
with frost, in appearance so many black gnomes burrowing in a cloud 
of flying leaves aud dirty snow. As they climbed on the alignment 
with which they started became loose and looser until half-way up it 
seemed utterly lost. There was no firing, of course, except by the 
skirmishers, and no cheering, not a voice save of officers in exhortation. 
Occasionally we heard Smith or McGinnis, but most frequently the 
enemy flinging taunts on the laborers below. "Hi, hi, there, you 
damned Yanks! Why don't you come up? What are you waiting 
for?" 

They were nearing the top, probably a third of the distance re- 
maining, when the Eleventh, in loose array as it was, rushed by the 
left flank out of column. They stumbled, and slipped, and fell 
down, but presently brought up, and faced front, having uncovered 
the Eighth. To get into line with the latter cost but a moment. 
About the same time I saw the skirmishers drop and I'oll out of sight, 
leaving the line of fire unobstructed. A furious outbreak from the 
enemy and both regiments sank down, and on their bellies half buried 
in snow delivered their first ragged volley. The next I saw of them 
they were advancing on their hands and knees. That they would win 
was no longer a question. 

1 gave a glance in Cruft's direction and another to Ross. Both 
were well up in their sections of attack. Just then some one near by 
broke into a laugh and called out, "Look there!" 

"Where?" I asked, not relishing the diversion. 

A party of surgeon's assistants, six or eight in number, seeing us 
in the field, and thinking it a safe place, started to come across. A 
shower of bullets overtook them, and when my eyes reached them 
they were snuggling in the snow behind the kits they carried. And 
when I remembered how thin the kits were, nothing but oil cloth, and 
not more resistant of a minie-ball than tissue-paper, I excused the 
laugh by joining in it. 

'' 1 From B. & L. 1—424. 

2 Autobiography, p. 417. .:,.....; 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 191 

the rifle-pits. It was then about half-past 3 o'clock in the 
afternoon. I was reconnoitering the works of the enemy 
preliminary to charging them, when Colonel Webster, of 
General Grant's staff, came to me and repeated the order to 
fall back out of cannon range and throw up breastworks. 
"The general does not know that we have the hill", I said. 
Webster replied: "I give you the order as he gave it to me." 

Another look towards Cruft, another to Ross, then a brief study 
of Smith's forlorn hope, by that time nearly to its goal, and I took 
action. 

Regaining the road, I hastened into the hollow, and when about 
half-way across it noticed a slackening of the enemy's fire; then, 
hardly a minute elapsing, it ceased entirely. The meaning was un- 
mistakable. We had won! Calling Kneffler, I told him to go to 
General McClernand and tell him we were on the hill, and that he 
would oblige me if his artillery did not fire in our direction. 

In these moves my horse had answered me readily but with his 
head down — a thing that had not happened before. The other horses 
of the company were worse off. There was need for me up on the 
height but we stopped by the little brook and broke through the ice. 
While the poor brutes were drinking greedily. Colonel Webster came 
to me. 

"General Grant sends me," he said, "to tell you to retire your 
command out of range of the fort and throw up fight intrenchments. 
He thinks it best to wait for reinforcements." 

I gave a thought to the position just recovered, with loss un- 
known, and asked the colonel, "Does the general know that we have 
retaken the road lost in the morning?" 

"I think not," he replied. 

"Oh, well! Give him my compliments, colonel, and tell him 
/ have received the order. ^^ 

Webster gave me a sharp look and left me. I had resolved to 
disobey the direction, and he saw it, and justified me without saying 
80 — as did General Grant subsequently. 

The sun was just going down when with my staff, I rode on to the 
height just won. To my eager search for what of war and combat it 
had to offer there was at first nothing which one may not find in any 
neglected woods pasture; only the air was heavy with the sulphurous 
smell of powder burned and burning, and through the thin assemblage 
of trees there went an advancing line of men stretching right and left 
out of sight. My first point was to catch that line. 

The enemy had not waited the coming up of the Yanks. His 
main body had retired towards his works, and tlie three commands, 
Cruft's, Ross's, and Smith's, with just enough resistance before them 
to keep their blood up, were pushing forward at a pace calling for 



192 MEMOIRS 

^ "Very well," said I, "give him my compliments, and say 
that I have received the order." Webster smiled and rode 
away. The ground was not vacated, though the assault 
was deferred. In assuming the responsibility, I had no 
doubt of my ability to satisfy General Grant of the correct- 
ness of my course; and it was subsequently approved. 

^energetic action if they were to be brought to a halt. That clone, how- 
ever, the three were closed on the center; then, skirmishers 43eing 
thrown to the front, we advanced slowly and cautiously. 

It was not long until we came on the aftermath of General 
McClernand's morning struggle. Dead men, not all of them ours, 
were lying in their beds of blood-stained snow exactly as they had 
fallen. And the wounded were there also. These, fast as come upon, 
were given drink and covered with blankets, but left to be picked up 
later on; and there was no distinction shown between the blue and the 
gray. The wonder was to find any of them alive. ♦ * * 

It is to be remembered that, in common with my whole command, 
I was profoundly ignorant of the topography of the locality. That we 
were moving in the direction of the fort I knew rather as a surmise 
than a fact. The skirmishers kept up their fire; otherwise the silence 
impressed me as suspicious. Once I heard the report of a great gun in 
the distance, and shortly a shell of half-bushel proportions went with 
a locomotive's scream through the tree -tops; whereupon we knew 
ourselves in the line of fire from the gun-boats in the river. Disa- 
greeable — yes, vastly so — but there was no help for it. Right after — 
indeed, as if the unearthly scream of the big shell had been an 
accepted signal — the holders of the fort awoke, and set their guns to 
work — how many I had no means of judging. 

Through the woods then there spread a peculiar shortstop 
whistling; nor was there need of one of greater experience in battle 
to tell us that we were objects of search by cannister and possibly 
grape-shot. Fragments of the limbs above us rattled down, and oc- 
casionally — the thing of greatest impression on me— a sharp resound, 
like the cracking of green timber in a zero night rang through the 
woods; and that we also instinctively knew to be bullets of iron im- 
bedding themselves in some near-by tree-trunks. 

Now, as I have no wish to take credit not strictly my due, the 
effect of this visitation startled me — the more so as it came in the 
nature of a surprise. I asked myself, however, "Where are we 
going?" And as the answer did not come readily, I made haste to 
order another halt. 

It happened that my position at the moment was behind Cruft's 
brigade in what I took to be the road to Charlotte, also the ob- 
ject of anxious solicitude. Making way through the halted line 

. ^ 5 

1 From B. & L. 1—426. 

2 Autobiography, p. 420. 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 193 

When night fell, the command bivouacked without fire 
or supper. Fatigue parties were told off to look after the 
wounded; and in the relief given there was no distinction 
made between friend and foe. The labor extended through 
the whole night, and the surgeons never rested. By sunset 

the situation revealed itself. There, not farther than three hun- 
dred yards, a low embankment stretched off on both sides, and 
behind it, in the background, rose an elaborate earthen pile which a 
drooping flag on a tall, white staff told me was Fort Donelson proper. 
Some field-pieces behind the lowintrenchraent were doing the firing, 
supported by men lying in the ditch. The heads of these bobbed up 
and down; and every time one of them bobbed up it was to let loose a 
streak of brilliant flame, with a keen report and a rising curl of smoke 
as close attendants. In front of the outwork far extending were our 
skirmishers behind stumps and logs, and in every depression affording 
cover, and they, too, were shooting. The interval of separation be- 
tween the enemies ranged from eighty yards to a hundred and fifty. 

The scene was stirring; but it must not be thought it held me 
long — far from it. While I looked, a sense of responsibility touched 
me with a distinct shock. What next? 

Two things were possible; to continue on or go back out of range. 
The first meant an assault, and I doubted my authority to go so far. 
It seemed a step within the province of the commander. Perhaps he 
was not ready to order it. To be successful, moreover, there was need 
of support, otherwise the whole garrison could be concentrated against 
me. So, resolving the skirmishers as they were into a grand guard, 
Colonel Morgan L. Smith in charge, I retired the line five or six hun- 
dred yards. 

There was nothing for us then but another night in bivouac with- 
out fires, and nothing to eat but crackers; literally suffering from the 
pinch of hunger added to misery from the pinch of cold. Yet I did 
not hear a murmur. This, I think, because there was not a soldier 
there so ignorant as not to know the necessity of keeping a tight grip 
upon our position. 

With the advent of darkness the gun practice ceased, and later 
even the pickets quit annojang one another. Then silence, and a 
February night, with stars of pitiless serenity, and a wind not to be 
better described than as a marrow-searcher. * * * 

It was near day when Colonel Thayer's eight regiments began to 
arrive and take position one by one on Cruft's right in prolongation of 
tlie line. As this formative operation was in view of the enemy, I 
wondered at his silence. It looked as if the fight were out of him. 

At length, the formation completed, we stood ready to rush the 
intrenchments. Only, why didn't the order come? At all events, the 
Confederate flag was yet flying over the fort faintly visible "in th© 
dawn's early light". 



194 MEMOIRS 

Uhe conditions of the morning were all restored. The Union 
commander was free to order a general assault next day or 
resort to a formal siege. * * * 

The Morning of February 16th. 

The Third Division was astir very early on the 16th of 
February. The regiments began to form and close up the 

^"There — what's that?" said one of my party, in a surprised tone. 

"Where?" 

"There — coming over the breastwork." 

Two men rode over the parapet. One of them carried a white flag 
on a pole, lance-fashion. Not caring to have my arrangement spied 
upon, I told Captain Kneffler to go ask what the flag wanted. 

Kneffler, making haste, met the men before they reached the 
pickets. After a talk with them, he hurried back and reported. 

"The bearer of the flag, "he said, "is Major Rogers, of Mississippi. 
He brings a request from General Buckner that you refrain from fur- 
ther hostilities, as he and General Grant have been in correspondence 
about a surrender, and they have reached an understanding. The 
major has a despatch for General Grant which he wants permission to 
deliver in person." 

This was great news indeed — news to justify a display of excite- 
ment. The report, however, not being altogether satisfactory, I went 
out to sound the messenger further. 

The introductions were stiffly ceremonious, in course of which it 
came out that the officer accompanying the flag-bearer was 
General . 

"Do I understand, gentlemen, that the surrender is perfected?" 

"I do not know if a formality will be required," the general re- 
plied. "With that exception it is a surrender." 

"Are you ready to give possession?" 

"Yes. The troops are drawn up in their quarters, arms stacked." 

At this I felt a quick thrill, which, if the reader pleases, may be 
set down to a recognition of an opportunity and an irresistible impulse 
to get there first. 

" Then it is now business?" 

The general bowed. 

I lost no time. To Ross I said, "Go with the major here to head- 
quarters. Let him deliver his despatch to General Grant. Tell the 
general, also, that I am in possession of the fort and all belonging to 
it." Then to Kneffler: " Do you ride to the brigade commanders, and 
tell them to move the whole line forward, and take possession of per- 
sons and property. Tell them to see to it personally that their men 

1. B. & L. 1—428. Cf. Report. R. R. 7—239. 
2 Autobiography, p. 427. 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 195 

intervals between them, the intention being to charge the 
breastworks south of Dover about breakfast-time. In the 
midst of the preparation a bugle was heard and a white flag 
was seen coming from the town toward the pickets. I sent 
my adjutant-general to meet the flag half-way and inquire 
its purpose. Answer was returned that General Buckner 
had capitulated during the night, and was now sending in- 

are kept in close cheek — that I want the business done as deUcately as 
possible. Not a word of taunt — no cheering." 

The general looked at me gratefully; whereupon I asked him if 
he knew where General Buckner was quartered, and he replied, "I 
left him in the old tavern." 

" Well, if you say so, I will ride to the tavern with you. General 
Buckner and I are personal friends. I have the highest respect for 
him, and it may be I can do him a good turn." 

My new acquaintance borrowed the flag from his associate, tell- 
ing him, " You won't need it." Then to me, " Our people are in a bad 
humor; but I will be glad to have you go with me." * ■•• * 

We came to the tavern at length, a one -story affair seen more 
frequently in that day than in this. I found myself next in a shallow 
hall, and, stopping there, requested my friend to be good enough to 
give my name to General Buckner. He passed through a door at the 
farther end of the hall, and, returning presently, told me to walk in. 
He did not follow me. 

General Buckner sat at the head of a table, with officers, eight 
or ten in number, at the sides. He arose upon my entry, and met me 
in the center of the room, grave, dignified, silent; the grip he gave 
me, however, was an assurance of welcome quite as good as words. 

Turning then to the table, he said, waving his hand; "It is 
unnecessary to introduce you. You know them all." 

I glanced at the gentlemen there, and one by one^they^came for- 
ward and gave me their hands. I had met every one [of them two 
years before when General Buckner's guest at the encampment of the 
Kentucky State Guard in Louisville. Their hand-shake was cordial, 
but they were not in talkative mood. I understood their feeling and 
respected it. Two of them had won my regard especially — Major 
Casseday, Buckner's adjutant-general, and young Tom Clay. The 
latter was last to come forward. He put his hand in mine, and, 
turning his face from me, cried like a child— and I could see nothing 
unmanly in his tears. 

The general then inquired if I had been to breakfast, and having 
answered no, he said, " I'm afraid you are a little late, but we will see." 
He called a patronymic sounding of the cotton-field, whereat a negro 
thrust his head through the door. 

"Another breakfast here," said the general. "What have you?" 



196 MEMOIRS 

^ formation of the fact to the commander of the troops in this 
quarter, that there might be no further bloodshed. 

The division was ordered to advance and take posses- 
sion of the works and of all public property and prisoners. 
Leaving that agreeable duty to the brigade commanders, I 
joined the officer bearing the flag, and with my staff rode 
across the trench and into the town, till we came to the door 
of the old tavern already described, where I dismounted. 
The tavern was the headquarters of General Buckner, to 

2"Nothin' 'cept cawn-bread, sir." 
;■; "No bacon?" 

" You'se done had it all down to de rine." 

"Coifee?" 

" Oh, a little water '11 resto' de coffee." 

"Bring it then." 

I had interrupted the party in the midst of their morning meal, 
and we ate — and there was no apology for the commissariat. But 
none the less I decided in my own mind that the surrender had not 
been any too soon. 

The talk became general — about the war, more particularly in- 
cidents of the battle. It amused me to observe how honest they were 
in the belief that we had fifty thousand men with more in hourly ar- 
rival. As the idea helped soften the pangs of defeat, I did not dis- 
abuse them of it. 

Once I said something to General Buckner about the old flag — I 
think it was in an expression of wonder that his congress gave it up 
for a new one. 

He brought his hand down on the table. "The old flag! I follow- 
ed it when most of your thousands out yonder were in swaddling 
clothes — in Mexico— on the frontier — and I love it j'Ct. " 

The speech was not meant for retort. 

He asked me, afterwhile, "What will General Grant do with us?" 

This question was of graver moment then than ever again, and I 
answered to the best of my light: "I can't say. But I know General 
Grant, and I know President Lincoln better than General Grant, and 
I am free to say that it is not in the nature of either of them to treat 
you, or these gentlemen, or the soldiers you have surrendered, other 
than as prisoners of war." 

"Well," he said, "I thought as much. The only favor I have to 
ask is that I may not be separated from my friends here." 

"May I say as much to General Grant when he comes in?" 

"Yes — certainly." 

1 B. &L.,p. 428. 

2 Autobiography, p. 249. 



GENERAL LEW WALLACE 197 

whom I sent my name; and being an acquaintance, I was at 
once admitted. 

I found General Buckner with his staff at breakfast. 
He met me with politeness and dignity. Turning to the 
officers at the table, he remarked: "General Wallace, it is 
not necessary to introduce you to these gentlemen; you are 
acquainted with them all." They arose, came forward one 
by one, and gave their hands in salutation. I was then 
invited to breakfast, which consisted of corn bread and 

In the midst of this conversation there happened an incident in 
every sense strange. We heard a knock at the door of entrance, 
and to the acknowledgement "Come in," an officer entered clad in 
blue, with gold lace on his cap and sleeves. Advancing towards the 
table, he observed me and stopped in evident embarrassment. Then 
bowing — none of us could tell to whom— he took off his cap, bowed 
again, and said, "I beg to be excused, gentlemen." With that he walk- 
ed out. General Buckner looked at me, and asked, "Do you know 
him?" 

"Never saw the man before," I replied. 

"He's of your navy— so much is certain" the general said; add- 
ing to one of his men at the table, "You had better follow him, cap- 
tain, and see that no harm comes to him." 

The captain hastened out. 

Now the sequel gives the incident its character, making it so ex- 
traordinary that I choose to insert it as of the text rather than a note. 

About two years after the surrender at Donelson a uniform- 
ed gentleman came to see me at my headquarters in Baltimore. He : 
introduced himself with a card. 

"I am Lieutenant Dove, of the United States navy," he proceeded 
to say. "You may remember an officer of the navy entering the din- 
ing-room of the old tavern in Dover the morning of the surrender of^ 
Fort Donelson." - 

"Yes, I remember. We were at breakfast." 

"I am that oflEicer, and ever since that morning I have been in 
suspension." 

"What for?" I asked. 

"At sight of the flag lowering on the fort. Captain Walker, of the 
Carondelet, ordered me to land and secure the surrender to the navy— 
that is, to him. I reached headquarters, and was about to make the 
demand when I saw you, and, inferring your rank from your shoulder- 
straps, I judged myself too late, and retired, not wishing to have a 
scene. In that you have my offence." 

"I see. I was in your way." 

"You were there before me. But you can now do me the great- 
est possible favor." 



198 MEMOIRS 

coffee, the best the gallant host had in his kitchen. We sat 
at the table about an hour and a half, when General Grant 
arrived and took temporary possession of the tavern as his 
headquarters. Later in the morning the army marched in 
and completed the possession. 

"What can I do for you?" 

"State the facts — that you saw me enter the room that morning — 
that you were there before me. Such a statement filed with the de- 
partment will bring me release from suspension. Restoration to duty 
must follow." 

Of course I gave the poor fellow the statement he asked, and it 
had the effect anticipated. Probably no better example of the keen- 
ness of professional rivalry ever offered itself. ^ 



From Personal Memoirs of U. S. Qrant^ 

I informed the department commander of our success 
at Fort Henry and that on the 8th I would take Fort Donel- 
son. But the rain continued to fall so heavily that the roads 
became impassable for artillery and wagon trains. Then, 
too, it would not have been prudent to proceed without the 
gunboats. At least it would have been leaving behind a 
valuable part of our available force. 

On the 7th, the day after the fall of Fort Henry, I took 
my staff and the cavalry— a part of one regiment— and made 
a reconnaissance to within about a mile of the outer line of 
works at Donelson. I had known General Pillow in Mexico, 
and judged that with any force, no matter how small, I 
could march up to within gunshot of any intrenchments he 
was given to hold. I said this to the officers of my staff at 
the time. I knew that Floyd was in command, but he was 
no soldier, and I judged that he would yield to Pillow's 
pretensions. I met, as I expected, no opposition in making 
the reconnaissance and, besides learning the topography of 
the country on the way and around Fort Donelson, found 
that there were two roads available for marching; one lead- 
ing to the village of Dover, the other to Donelson. 

[Here follows a description of Fort Donelson.] 

1 Cf. with Gen. Wallace's statement ante p. 88. 

2 Volume I, p. 294. 



GENERAL U. S. GRANT 199 

General Halleck commenced his efforts in all quarters to 
get reinforcements to forward to me immediately on my 
departure from Cairo. General Hunter sent men freely 
from Kansas, and a large division under General Nelson, 
from Buell's army, was also dispatched. Orders went out 
from the War Department to consolidate fragments of com- 
panies that were being recruited in the Western States so as 
to make full companies, and to consolidate companies into 
regiments. General Halleck did not approve or disapprove 
of my going to Fort Donelson. He said nothing whatever 
to me on the subject. He informed Buell on the 7th that I 
would march against Fort Donelson the next day; but on 
the 10th he directed me to fortify Fort Henry strongly, 
particularly to the land side, saying that he forwarded me 
intrenching tools for that purpose. I received this dispatch 
in front of Fort Donelson. 

I was very impatient to get to Fort Donelson because I 
knew the importance of the place to the enemy and sup- 
posed he would reinforce it rapidly. I felt that 15,000 men 
on the 8th would be more effective than 50,000 a month 
later. I asked Flag Officer Foote, therefore, to order his 
gunboats still about Cairo to proceed up the Cumberland 
River and not to wait for those gone to Eastport and 
Florence; but the others got back in time and we started on 
the 12th. I had moved McClernand out a few miles the 
night before so as to leave the road as free as possible. 

Just as we were about to start the first reinforcement 
reached me on transports. It was a brigade composed of 
six full regiments commanded by Colonel Thayer, of 
Nebraska. As the gunboats were going around to Donelson 
by the Tennessee, Ohio and Cumberland rivers, I directed 
Thayer to turn about and go under their convoy. 

I started from Fort Henry with 15,000 men, including 
eight batteries and part of a regiment of cavalry, and, 
meeting with no obstruction to detain us, the advance 
arrived in front of the enemy by noon. That afternoon and 
the next day were spent in taking up ground to make the 
investment as complete as possible. General Smith had 
been directed to leave a portion of his division behind to 
guard forts Henry and Heiman. He left General Lew. Wal- 



200 MEMOIRS 

lace with 2,500 men. With the remainder of his division he 
occupied our left, extending to Hickman creek, McCler- 
nand was on the right and covered the roads running south 
and south-west from Dover. His right extended to the 
back-water up the ravine opening into the Tennessee south 
of the village. The troops were not intrenched, but the 
nature of the ground was such that they were just as well 
protected from the fire of the enemy as if rifle-pits had been 
thrown up. Our line was generally along the crest of 
ridges. The artillery was protected by being sunk in the 
ground. The men who were not serving the guns were 
perfectly covered from fire on taking position a little back 
from the crest. The greatest suffering was from want of 
shelter. It was midwinter and during the siege we had 
rain and snow, thawing and freezing alternately. It would 
not do to allow camp-fires except far down the hill out of 
sight of the enemy, and it would not do to allow many of 
the troops to remain there at the same time. In the march 
over from Fort Henry numbers of the men had thrown 
away their blankets and overcoats. There was therefore 
much discomfort and absolute suffering. 

During the 12th and 13th, and until the arrival of Wal- 
lace and Thayer on the 14th, the National forces, composed 
of but 15,000 men, without intrenchments, confronted an 
intrenched army of 21,000, without conflict further than 
what was brought on by ourselves. Only one gunboat had 
arrived. There was a little skirmishing each day, brought 
on by the movement of our troops in securing commanding 
positions; but there was no actual fighting during this time 
except once, on the 13th, in front of McClernand's command. 
That general had undertaken to capture a battery of the 
enemy which was annoying his men. Without orders or 
authority he sent three regiments to make the assault. The 
battery was in the main line of the enemy, which was de- 
fended by his whole army present. Of course the assault 
was a failure, and of course the loss on our side was great 
for the number of men engaged. In this assault Colonel 
William Morrison fell badly wounded. Up to this time the 
surgeons with the army had no difficulty in finding room in 
the houses near our line for all the sick and wounded; but 



GENERAL U. S. GRANT 201 

now hospitals were overcrowded. Owing, however, to the 
energy and skill of the surgeons the suffering was not so great 
as it might have been. The hospital arrangements at Fort 
Donelson were as complete as it was possible to make them, 
considering the inclemency of the weather and the lack of 
tents, in a sparsely settled country where the houses were 
generally of but one or two rooms. 

[An account of the movement of the naval gunboats is omitted.] 

The plan was for the troops to hold the enemy within 
his lines, while the gunboats should attack the water bat- 
teries at close quarters and silence his guns if possible. Some 
of the gunboats were to run the batteries, get above the fort 
and above the village of Dover. I had ordered a reconnais- 
sance made with the view of getting troops to the river 
above Dover in case they should be needed there. That po- 
sition attained by the gunboats it would have been but a 
question of time — and a very short time, too — when the gar- 
rison would have been compelled to surrender. 

[Here follows an account of the naval attack on the 14th tvhich 
is omitted.] 

The enemy had evidently been much demoralized by the 
assault, but they were jubilant when they saw the disabled 
vessels dropping down the river entirely out of the control 
of the men on board. Of course I only witnessed the falling 
back of our gunboats and felt sad enough at the time over 
the repulse. Subsequent reports, now published, show that 
the enemy telegraphed a great victory to Richmond. The 
sun went down on the night of the 14th of February, 1862, 
leaving the army confronting Fort Donelson anything but 
comforted over the prospects. The weather had turned in- 
tensely cold; the men were without tents and could not keep 
up fires where most of them had to stay, and, as previously 
stated, many had thrown away their overcoats and blankets. 
Two of the strongest of our gunboats had been disabled, 
presumably beyond the possibility of rendering any present 
assistance. I retired this night not knowing but that I 
would have to intrench my position, and bring up tents for 
the men or build huts under the cover of the hills. 

On the morning of the 15th, before it was yet broad day, 
a messenger from Flag-officer Foote handed me a note, ex- 



202 MEMOIRS 

pressing a desire to see me on the flagship and saying that 
he had been injured the day before so much that he could 
not come himself to me. I at once made my preparations 
for starting. I directed my adjutant-general to notify each 
of the division commanders of my absence and instruct them 
to do nothing to bring on an engagement until they received 
further orders, but to hold their positions. From the heavy 
rains that had fallen for days and v^eeks preceding and from 
the constant use of the roads between the troops and the 
landing four to seven miles belov^, these roads had become 
cut up so as to be hardly passable. The intense cold of the 
night of the 14th-15th had frozen the ground solid. This 
made travel on horseback even slov^er than through the mud; 
but I went as fast as the roads would allow. 

When I reached the fleet I found the flag-ship was an- 
chored out in the stream. A small boat, however, awaited 
my arrival and I was soon on board with the flag-officer. He 
explained to me in short the condition in which he was left 
by the engagement of the evening before, and suggested that 
I should intrench while he returned to Mound City with his 
disabled boats, expressing at the time the belief that he could 
have the necessary repairs made and be back in ten days. I 
saw the absolute necessity of his gunboats going into hos- 
pital and did not know but I should be forced to the alterna- 
tive of going through a siege. But the enemy relieved me 
from this necessity. 

When I left the National line to visit Flag-officer Foote 
I had no idea that there would be any engagement on land 
unless I brought it on myself. The conditions for battle 
were much more favorable to us than they had been for the 
first two days of the investment. From the 12th to the 14th 
we had but 15,000 men of all arms and no gunboats. Now we 
had been reinforced by a fleet of six naval vessels, a large 
division of troops under General L. Wallace and 2,500 men 
brought over from Fort Henry belonging to the division of 
C. F. Smith. The enemy, however, had taken the initiative. 
Just as I landed I met Captain Hillyer of my staff, white 
with fear, not for his personal safety, but for the safety of 
the National troops. He said the enemy had come out of his 
lines in full force and attacked and scattered McClernand's 



GENERAL U. S. GRANT 203 

division, which was in full retreat. The roads, as I have 
said, were unfit for making- fast time, but I got to my com- 
mand as soon as possible. The attack had been made on the 
National right. I was some four or five miles north of our 
left. The line was about three miles long. In reaching the 
point where the disaster had occurred I had to pass the di- 
visions of Smith and Wallace. I saw no sign of excitement 
on the portion of the line held by Smith; Wallace was near- 
er the scene of conflict and had taken part in it. He had, 
at an opportune time, sent Thayer's brigade to the support 
of McClernand and thereby contributed to hold the enemy 
within his Hnes. 

I saw everything favorable for us along the line of our 
left and center. When I came to the right appearances 
were different. The enemy had come out in full force to 
cut his way out and make his escape. McClernand's division 
had to bear the brunt of the attack from this combined force. 
His men had stood up gallantly until the ammunition in their 
cartridge boxes gave out. There was abundance of ammu- 
nition near by lying on the ground in boxes, but at that 
stage of the war it was not all of our commanders of regi- 
ments, brigades, or even divisions, who had been educated 
up to the point of seeing that their men were constantly 
supplied with ammunition during an engagement. When 
the men found themselves without ammunition they could 
not stand up against troops who seemed to have plenty of 
it. The division broke and a portion fled, but most of the 
men, as they were not pursued, only fell back out of range 
of the fire of the enemy. It must have been about this 
time that Thayer pushed his brigade in between the enemy 
and those of our troops that were without ammunition. At 
all events the enemy fell back within his intrenchments and 
was there when I got on the field. 

I saw the men standing in knots talking in the most ex- 
cited manner. No oflficer seemed to be giving any direc- 
tions. The soldiers had their muskets, but no ammunition, 
while there were tons of it close at hand. I heard some of 
the men say that the enemy had come out with knapsacks, 
and jhaversacks filled with rations. They seemed to think 
this indicated a determination on his part to stay out and 



204 MEMOIRS 

fight just as long as the provisions held out. I turned to 
Colonel J. D. Webster, of my staif, who was with me, and 
said: "Some of our men are pretty badly demoralized, but 
the enemy must be more so, for he has attempted to force 
his way out, but has fallen back; the one who attacks first 
now will be victorious and the enemy will have to be in a 
hurry if he gets ahead of me." I determined to make the 
assault at once on our left. It was clear to my mind that 
the enemy had started to march out with his entire force, 
except a few pickets, and if our attack could be made on 
the left before the enemy could redistribute his forces along 
the line, we would find but little opposition except from the 
intervening abatis. I directed Colonel Webster to ride with 
me and call out to the men as we passed: "Fill your 
cartridge-boxes quick, and get into line; the enemy is trying 
to escape and he must not be permitted to do so." This 
acted like a charm. The men only wanted some one to give 
them a command. We rode rapidly to Smith's quarters, 
when I explained the situation to him and directed him to 
charge the enemy's works in his front with his whole di- 
vision, saying at the same time that he would find nothing 
but a very thin line to contend with. The general was off 
in an incredibly short time, going in advance himself to keep 
his men from firing while they were working their way 
through the abatis intervening between them and the 
enemy. The outer line of rifle-pits was passed, and the 
night of the 15th General Smith, with much of his division, 
bivouacked within the lines of the enemy. There was now 
no doubt but that the Confederates must surrender or be 
captured the next day. 

[ A paragraph dealing with the Conjederate side on the 
15th— 16th is omitted]. 

Before daylight General Smith brought to me the fol- 
lowing letter from General Buckner: [Omitted, see cor- 
respondence in R. R. 7—160, and 161]. 

General Buckner, as soon as he had dispatched the first 
of the above letters, sent word to his different commanders 
on the fine of rifle-pits, notifying them that he had made a 
proposition looking to the surrender of the garrison, and di- 
recting them to notify National troops in their front so that 



GENERAL U. S. GRANT 205 

all fig-hting might be prevented. White flags were stuck at 
intervals along the line of rifle-pits, but none over the fort. 
As soon as the last letter from Buckner was received I 
mounted my horse and rode to Dover. General Wallace, I 
found, had preceded me an hour or more. I presume that, 
seeing white flags exposed in his front, he rode up to see 
what they meant and, not being fired upon or halted, he 
kept on until he found himself at the headquarters of Gen- 
eral Buckner. 

I had been at West Point three years with Buckner and 
afterwards served with him in the army, so that we were 
quite well acquainted. In the course of our conversation, 
which was very friendly, he said to me that if he had been 
in command I would not have got up to Donelson as easily 
as I did. I told him that if he had been in command I should 
not have tried in the way I did; I had invested their lines 
with a smaller force than they had to defend them, and at 
the same time had sent a brigade full 5,000 strong, around 
by water; I had relied very much upon their commander to 
allow me to come safely up to the outside of their works. I 
asked General Buckner about what force he had to surrender. 
He replied that he could not tell with any degree of 
accuracy; that all the sick and weak had been sent to Nash- 
ville while we were about Fort Henry; that Floyd and Pillow 
had left during the night, taking many men with them; and 
that Forrest, and probably others, had also escaped during 
the preceding night; the number of casualties he could not 
tell; but he said I would not find fewer than 12,000 nor more 
than 15,000. 

He asked permission to send parties outside of the lines to 
bury his dead, who had fallen on the 15t}i when they tried 
to get out. I gave directions that his permit to pass our 
limits should be recognized. I have no reason to believe 
that this privilege was abused, but it familiarized our guards 
so much with the sight of Confederates passing to and fro 
that I have no doubtmany got beyond our pickets unobserved 
and went on. The most of the men who went in that way 
no doubt thought they had had war enough, and left with 
the intention of remaining out of the army. Some came to 
me and asked permission to go, saying that they were tired 



206 MEMOIRS 

of the war and would not be caught in the ranks again, and 
I bade them them go. 

The actual number of Confederates at Fort Donelson 
can never be given with entire accuracy. The largest 
number admitted by any writer on the Southern side, is by 
Colonel Preston Johnston. He gives the number at 17,000. 
But this must be an under-estimate. The commissary gen- 
eral of prisoners reported having issued rations to 14,623 
Fort Donelson prisoners at Cairo, as they passed that point. 
General Pillow reported the killed and wounded at 2,000; but 
he had less opportunity of knowing the actual numbers than 
the officers of McClernand's division, for most of the killed 
and wounded fell outside their works, in front of that 
division, and were buried or cared for by Buckner after the 
surrender and when Pillow was a fugitive. It is known that 
Floyd and Pillow escaped during the night of the 15th, taking 
with them not less than 3,000 men. Forrest escaped with 
about 1,000 and others were leaving singly and in squads all 
night. It is probable that the Confederate force at Donel- 
son, on the 15th of February, 1862, was 21,000 in round 
numbers. 

On the day Fort Donelson fell I had 27,000 men to con- 
front the Confederate lines and guard the road four or five 
miles to the left, over which all our supplies had to be drawn 
on wagons. During the 16th, after the surrender, additional 
reinforcements arrived. 

From "Letters of U. S. Grant" 

Fort Henry, Tenn., Feby. 0th, IS 62. 
Dear Sister: 

I take my pen in hand "away down in Dixie" to let you know 
that I am still alive and well. What the next few days may bring 
forth, however, I can't tell you. I intend to keep the ball moving as 
lively as possible, and have only been detained here from the fact that 
the Tennessee is very high and has been rising ever since we have 
been here, overflowing the back land and making it necessary to 
bridge it before we could move. — Before receiving this you will hear 
by telegraph of Fort Donelson being attacked. — Yesterday I went up 
the Tennessee River twenty odd miles, and today crossed over near 
the Cumberland River at Fort Donelson. —Our men had a little en- 
gagement with the enemy's pickets, killing five of them, wounding a 
number, and, expressively speaking, "gobbling up" some twenty-foui' 
more. 



GENERAL U. S. GRANT 207 

If I had your last letter at hand I would answer it. But I have 
not and therefore write you a very hasty and random letter, simply to 
let you know that I believe you still remember me. Whilst writing I 
am carrying on a conversation with my Staff and others. 

Julia will be with you in a few days and possibly I may accompany 
her. This is barely possible, depending upon having full possession 
of the line from Fort Henry to Fort Donelson, and upon being able to 
quit for a few days without retarding any contemplated movement. 
This would not leave me free more than one day however. 

You have no conception of the amount of labor I have to per- 
form. An army of men all helpless, looking to the commanding 
officer for every supply. Your plain brother, however, has as yet no 
reason to feel himself unequal to the task, and fully believes that he 
will carry on a successful campaign against our rebel enemy. I do 
not speak boastfully but utter a presentiment. The scare and fright 
of the rebels up here is beyond conception. Twenty-three miles above 
here some were drowned in their haste to retreat, thinking us such 
vandals that neither life nor property would be respected. G. J. 
Pillow commands at Fort Donelson. I hope to give him a tug before 
you receive this. 

U. S. G. 



MAGAZINE ARTICLE 



The Surrender of Fort Donelson^ 

By Morton M. Casseday 

When the soldiers who fought under him recall the, to them, 
hallowed memory of General Lee, they dwell with fondest and saddest 
admiration upon Appomattox, where the bowed head of the chieftain 
received its crowning glory. 

The man who feels that his cause, though just, is lost, in spite of 
all noble effort on his part, and who can accept the odium of failure 
with the same dignity with which he carries success, is a hero greater 
than he who has only had to wave a victorious banner. I remember 
that, when I first read the letters from which I shall quote in this 
paper, I could see in their story only the bitterness of failure; as I 
grew older I saw the heroism of a duty fully done. 

Among the earlier "war papers " of the Century Magazine was 
one from General Wallace, describing the battle of Fort Donelson. It 
was then that it occurred to me that the contemporary letters of my 
father. Major Alex Casseday, who was an officer of General S. B. 
Buckner's staff, could at least furnish an interesting account of the 
policy and conduct of one of the Confederate leaders in that memora- 
ble contest. Major Casseday was familiar with the proceedings of the 

1 From The Southern Bivouac for April, 1887, p. 694. 



208 THE SURRENDER 

councils of general officers at Donelson, and led the Fourteenth 
Mississippi when that regiment and others opened a road through the 
Federal lines, by means of which the Confederate troops might have 
fallen back upon Johnston's army at Nashville. 

After the capture of the fort, and before his death at Camp Chase, 
Major Casseday wrote to his family letters discussing certain features 
of the battle, and describing the life in the prison at Columbus, Ohio. 
I took these letters to General Buckner, and asked him to tell me as to 
the correctness of their account of the plans and conduct of the 
three generals engaged at Donelson. General Buckner confirmed 
their report of these matters, but declined to express an opinion as to 
the manner in which the battle had been conducted. He said to me: 

"I have declined either to speak or to write on this subject, 
because I could not do so without disrespect to the officer who was my 
superior in command, a thing I consider unsoldierly.'' 

This expresson was characteristic of General Buckner, who 
retains to this day that respect for order, discipline, and decorum 
that he learned at West Point, and that was fixed in his nature when 
he fought under General Scott in Mexico. Notwithstanding this 
dignity of bearing, he preserves the magnetism that at the outbreak 
of the war made him a hero of the young men of Kentucky. His 
erect and stalwart frame seems to have preserved all the vigor of ripe 
manhood. Retaining his military bearing, he is precise in matters of 
etiquette, but is affable and charming in manner and conversation. 
Most of his time is spent in Hart County, where he is less a hero of 
the war than he is a neighbor and friend. His life is that of a philoso- 
pher, but also that of a man of affairs, and, while finding time for a 
high degree of culture, he has not neglected his business interests. 
The man who makes two blades of grass to grow where one grew 
before is considered a friend of his race. General Buckner, on his 
Hart County farm, has made four blades grow where none grew be- 
fore. 

General Buckner is one of a class of men rapidly dying out in the 
South; he is one of those who believe, with earnest conviction, in the 
justice of the Lost Cause. He has acquiesced in the fact that it was 
lost, and has adapted himself as a conscientious citizen to the demands 
of the government under which he lives; but I think I see in his face 
and hear in his voice a noble sorrow that he will never outlive. We 
younger men believe that he is mistaken; we believe that the cause 
lost was a greater cause gained; but let us respect the patriotism of 
a man who fought for his convictions, and who can feel a great sorrow 
untainted by rancor or hatred. 

In the conversation above alluded to General Buckner said to me: 
" I do not discuss the war or read what is written about it, because 
I think it all so disastrous in its results and consequences that I prefer 
not to renew the feeling such discussion awakens. Of the battle of 
Fort Donelson, I may say that I have heard that General Wallace in 
his account underestimates the number of Federal forces. General 



MAGAZINE ARTICLE 209 

C. F. Smith said to me, after the surrender, that they had thirty-five 
thousand men in the battle, or, to use his own phrase, five and thirty 
thousand men." 

I asked if he did not consider that the Confederates had gained 
their point when his forces had driven and held McClernand's back 
from their position on the Confederate left to the river, leaving a road 
open to Nashville. He replied that he certainly thought so, and that 
he and his men would not have been captured had not General Pillow 
ordered him back into the trenches after the charge had been success- 
fully made. 

In order that I might have an account of the fight as seen from 
the Confederate standpoint, I sought Colonel Charles F. Johnson, who 
was Buckner's chief aide-de-camp, and who was consequently per- 
fectly familiar with what was done. I do not propose to discuss mili- 
tary tactics, but to show that, had the plan of General Buckner been 
carried out, the Confederate troops would have retreated safely, in- 
stead of being obliged to surrender. The officers arrived at Donelson 
on Wednesday, and began fighting at once. The battle was carried on 
in the trenches Wednesday, Thursday and Friday. The men were 
without tents; they lay in sleet or snow in bitter cold weather, and the 
enemy's guns were fired over them all night to prevent them from 
sleeping. General Floyd was in command; General Pillow was sec- 
ond, General Buckner third. Floyd, though he had been Secretary of 
War under Buchanan, knew little of military matters. His brigade 
was needed at Donelson, and he ranked the other generals there; but 
it was asserted that he was sent there with the understanding that he 
would accept and act upon Buckner's advice as to the conduct of the 
battle. This he did not do. Pillow got his ear and Buckner's plans 
were finally overruled. 

After two days of fighting from the trenches, which was wearisome 
and ineffective, General Buckner insisted upon going outside of them 
and attacking Wallace's forces on the Confederate left. He wished to 
do this on Friday, before his men became exhausted. He wanted to 
whip the Federal army before reinforcements should arrive. His 
wishes were not acceded to until Saturday, when Buckner led his men 
out of the trenches into the field and made a charge which was emi- 
nently successful, and which drove the Union forces back upon the 
river, under a sort of hill, or ledge. Previously to all of this the Fed- 
eral gun-boats had been whipped and sent down the river. 

On Saturday afternoon General Buckner received an order recall- 
ing his troops to the rifle-pits. Meanwhile he had seen Grant's rein- 
forcements arriving from down the river on some seventy -five boats. 
He saw at once that his exhausted men could not fight a new army, and 
that the only hope was a safe retreat to Nashville. The enemy had 
been driven back to the river, and the country was of a character to 
facilitate a retreat that would leave the main body of troops free from 
the attacks of a pursuing army. Therefore he did not at once obey 
the order to fall back into the trenches, but sent Colonel Johnson to 



210 THE SURRENDER 

say that fresh troops were coming, that his own men were too tired to 
fight longer; but that he would hold the Union forces back to the river 
bank long enough to permit Generals Floyd and Pillow to get their men 
into line and march out toward Nashville. Colonel Johnson says that 
when he went to deliver this message he found General Pillow riding 
about Donelson exclaiming, "Another Manassas defeat! Another 
Manassas defeat! " General Pillow refused to believe that the Confed- 
erates would not hold out against the fresh forces, and insisted on bring- 
ing them back into their original position. Before they got back some 
of the Union forces (Colonel Johnson thinks they were Tuttle'-s brig- 
ade) had already gotten into the trenches. Buckner's men were met 
by Union troops firing at short range. Here was the fatal mistake at 
Fort Donelson. The men could fight no longer. 

A general council was held, and it was admitted that the exhausted 
soldiers were unable to make a further resistance. One wing of the 
Federal army rested on an inlet from the river, which inlet flanked the 
Confederate troops. By fording this they could get beyond the Fed- 
eral lines, perhaps, and make their escape. Should they try it? At a 
certain point the water was only about armpit deep, but it was bitter 
cold. General Floyd's medical director said that if the men waded 
through this water perhaps twenty-five per cent of them might reach 
Nashville alive. The proposition was dropped at once, and it was 
agreed that nothing remained but to surrender. General Floyd said 
that owing to his having been Secretary of War, the Federal govern- 
ment would be particularly anxious to capture him, and that for him 
to surrender would be dangerous to his life. He said "General Pillow, 
I turn this command over to you." 

General Pillow said, "Why, they would rather have me than Jeff. 
Davis, I cannot surrender. General Buckner, I turn the command over 
to you." 

Buckner accepted the situation, and the next day, Sunday, Feb- 
ruary 16, 1862, surrendered Fort Donelson. He had done all the fight- 
ing in the field, the other two generals having remained at Donelson. 

Colonel Johnson says that when General Grant met General 
Buckner he addressed him familiarly, and said he had been much 
alarmed when he heard that Buckner was at Fort Donelson. He said, 
"Why did you not attack Friday?" 

"I was not in command," said General Buckner. 

"If you had attacked Fi-iday," said General Grant, "the reinforce- 
ments could not have reached here in time." 

General Buckner said to me that the fact that General Floyd was 
especially under the ban at Washington, gave him an excuse for his 
flight. He refused to express an opinion upon General Pillow's deser- 
tion of his men. They escaped by boat. General Forrest's command, 
cavalry, did attempt to ford the inlet above referred to. Before he got 
all his men over the Federal troops discovered what he was about, and 
by extending their lines around the inlet and to the river itself, cut off 



MAGAZINE ARTICLE 211 

the escape of two or" Forrest's companies, showing that the entire 
army could not have got out by this means. 

These matters are spoken of in Major Casseday's letters, which 
go but little into details, however, and are in no sense technical. 
They describe incidents of the battle, explain Buckner's intentions, 
and give a glimpse of the times. Necessarily they are more or less 
disjointed. I think it best to give the extracts from them in the order 
in which they were written. 

Fort Donblson, Dover, Tenn., February 16, 1862. 

After a severe battle of four days, in which, as even our captors 
unanimously agree, we sustained the name the Confederate arms have 
won most nobly, we are prisoners of war. Our men have been fight- 
ing by day and watching in the trenches by night for four days, and 
are perfectly worn out, overcome by the resources of the enemy. The 
battle was the most hotly contested of the war, and the sight of the 
dead and dying was horrible. Many, very many gallant fellows were 
killed. We were under the heaviest fire of the battle, and it seems 
miraculous that any of us escaped. 

"We are treated with entire respect; our side-arms are not taken. 
We could have escaped with other officers, but General Buckner and 
his staff were unwilling to leave the troops who had stood by him so 
nobly. 
Steamboat Argonaut, above Uniontown, Ky., February 22, 1862. 

On last Sunday I wrote to you, informing you of our unfortunate 
captivity. I pledge you my word that we did all it was possible for 
twelve thousand men to do against thirty-five thousand. We fought 
them for four consecutive days, and were everywhere successful, but 
our men were completely fagged out by fighting all day and watching 
and working all night. You cannot conceive how weary we were. 
Even on the second day I was so weary as to fall asleep in the field, 
while shells and balls were killing those around me every few min- 
utes. I saw the General and Charley (Colonel Johnson) sleeping sev- 
eral times under the same circumstances, and expect every man of 
our army did the same thing. But such sleeping brings colds, but no 
refreshment. 

On the day before the surrender we left our trenches, drove the 
right of the enemy back, took their right batteries, and were through 
their lines a mile and a half from our intrenchment, having actually 
accomplished our retreat; but an order then came to retire to our in- 
trenchments— sent by General Pillow — as they were about to be at- 
tacked, and we were reluctantly returned to the trap whence escape 
would afterward be impossible. 

The loss of the enemy greatly exceeds ours, though I suppose it 
will not be so reported. I saw it, and know it. There was but one 
opinion among the Federals as to the desperation with which we 
fought, and although we were sacrificed, we do hope that all those 
who feel a personal interest in us will be satisfied that we did our duty 



212 THE SURRENDER 

nobly. The Federals fought much better than I expected, especially 
the Iowa and Illinois troops, who suffered fearfully. The whole 
thing was horrible enough. I saw sights of blood that I would not 
have supposed I could bear. I led the first charge of the attack, at- 
tempting to take their battery with the Fourteenth Mississippi regi- 
ment, whose officers, except their major, were not present. It was in 
this charge that the loss was bloodiest, the ground being strewn on all 
sides with the dead. A more bloody field has not been, and will not 
be, seen during the war, I hope. I do not write this as a description of 
the battle, but only as of interest to you. You will be glad to know 
that our misfortune was not attributable to lack of earnest and cour- 
ageous effort. 

Our captivity is a humiliation hard enough to bear, but so far as 
General Buckner and his staff are concerned, we have met with kind- 
ness on the part of most of the United States officers. General Buck- 
ner's refusal to leave his troops, as the other generals did when the 
boat was at our wharf, has won him much esteem on both sides. Only 
one of his staff accepted the proffered chance to escape, and we are 
all here, a very happy family, considering the circumstances. No 
guard has been placed over us, although there is one on the boat, and 
we are allowed every freedom consistent with our safe -keeping. I 
understand we are all to be placed together at Indianapolis. 

The other letters are from Camp Chase, the prison near Columbus, 
and are chiefly taken up with personal affairs and description of 
prison life, which seems not to have been very hard, except in the 
matter of restraint. The prisoners were not permitted to speak to 
their friends except in the presence of a guard, whose duty it was to 
hear all that was said, and all letters were read by an officer. There 
is something very pathetic and very characteristic in tlie story of the 
negro slave who followed his masters so faithfully. 

Camp Chase, March 9, 1862. 

The last of your writing that I have seen was the note appended 
to F's letter, which I received and read on the battlefield atDonelson. 
It was very strange to see your writing there, and to read the merry 
ideas F. put into her letter, the circumstances and feelings which at- 
tended its writing were so widely different from those at its reading. 
I thought of you almost incessantly during those four days, but never 
with the same feeling as when I received your own writing. The 
bearer of it handed it to me, seized his gun, and plunged into the 
thicket to try his skill with the sharpshooters, who were annoying us 
greatly. It is said he killed a number of them, and was himself un- 
hurt, but I never saw him afterward, and never learned how he got 
the letter. I promised you some time since to write you a description 
of the battle, but, as I did not then expect, all correspondence is sub- 
ject to scrutiny of the officials. While I was in the South my letters 



MAGAZINE ARTICLE 213 

were under constraint, because there was danger of their being cap- 
tured. Now they are so because they are already captured. 

Our condition now, thanks to friends at home and our own ex- 
ertions, is much better than when we came. We have bought a cook- 
ing stove and utensils, and we are allowed to send out and buy butter, 
eggs, etc., and we live, so far as eating is concerned, as well as we de- 
sire. At first we did our own cooking, but now two faithful servants 
have been permitted to come in to us. A third one, who waited on our 
staff for many months, and who served us with a faithfulness that 
made us love him — one who braved all the dangers of the battle to remain 
with us, who cooked the meals we had time to eat, while the balls were 
whistling and shells bursting all around him, and who refused to leave 
us after the sui'render: who was arrested and confined at Indianapolis, 
and as soon as he got free followed us here— was denied admittance, 
and is gone, we know not where. We all feel that in him we have lost 
a worthy member of the staff. The poor slave hung around the gates 
trying to get in for several days; now he is gone. Tell S. if he sees 
him— "Whiting" by name— to help him along and see that he is cared 
for. 

Here follows an account of some friends at Columbus who pro- 
vided the prisoners with many delicacies. 

In the last letter I wrote you I told you we would probably be sent 
to Fort Warren, and I believe it was so intended. Had we been sent 
there we would have been with our general, who is as pure, as gener- 
ous, as courageous, as noble in triumph oradversity as the great Wash- 
ington ever was. This is not the blindness of friendship; it is the feel- 
ing of the army that was with him. I have yet to hear the first one of 
them reproach him with anything, even in their present aggravating 
misfortune. You can not conceive how noble he looked the night be- 
fore the surrender at the council of general officers, when the other 
generals announced their intention of retiring, and he said: "Gentle- 
men, you must decide for yourselves; as for me, I will share the fate 
of my troops." 

While on the subject of this council I will say that, so far as I 
know, General Floyd determined "I will never be taken aUve," with 
the approbation of every one present. So bitter is the feeling against 
him, that he would be subjected to indignities to which death would be 
preferable. There is bitterness enough against General Buckner, but 
not of the sort or intensity of that against General Floyd, who is ac- 
cused of the most heinous crimes. I told General Floyd there that he 
was right not to be taken. I and every one else thought differently 
about General Pillow, who, every one here thinks, left from different 
motives. General Buckner offered to those of his staff present at the 
council the opportunity to escape on the boat that carried off the other 
generals, and sent the same offer to those not present. Only one of 
them accepted. I have never regretted my action. 



214 THE SURRENDER 

Then follows an amusing account of how two of the oflBcers had 
done duty as cook and cook's assistant — "Patrician cook and scullion." 
Offers of money and kindnesses from friends and strangers are re- 
ported. 

These letters tell their own pathetic story. Those parts of them 
which refer to General Buckner are evidently written from the heart, 
and bear their own marks of sincerity. As for Pillow's remarkable 
order, recalling Buckner after the charge was made and won, is it not 
possible that personal feeling actuated the man who had an old quar- 
rel with the Kentuckian? In the "old army" days, before th&re was 
talk of secession, a quarrel arose between General Scott and General 
Pillow. Scott could not afford to resent Pillow's conduct. Buckner 
had served in Mexico with General Scott, and, like others of that gener- 
al's young officers, he regarded him as a hero. He took up the quarrel 
with Pillow, and a bitter controversy was the result. Is it not possible, 
therefore, that we must go back to this old affair to discover why so 
many brave men had to lay down their arms at Fort Donelson, thus 
giving the Confederacy its first great defeat? 



BIOGRAPHICAL N0TE5 

Compiled by Captain T. B. Taylor 



BAILEY, James E. Col. 49th Tenn. (confederate). Born in Mont- 
gomery CO. Tenn., Aug. 15, 1822. Educated at Clarksville Academy 
and at the University of Nashville, was admitted to the bar, and began 
the pi-actice of law at Clarksville in 1843. In 1853 he was elected to 
the Tenn. legislature. He served in the confederate army though not 
an original secessionist. Elected U. S. Senator from Tenn. in place of 
Andrew Johnson, taking his seat Jan. 29, 1877. (Appletons Cyclopedia 
Am. Biography.) 

BALDWIN, William E. Colonel 14th Miss, (conf .) comdg. brigade. 
Brig. Gen. Oct. 3, 1362. Died Feb. 19, 1864. Engaged at Fort Donelson, 
commanded a brigade in Pemberton's army during siege of Vicksburg 
and later a brigade in Dist. of Mobile. (Southern Hist. Society Papers. 
Rebellion Records.) 

BAUSENWEIN, Valentine. Colonel 58th Ohio. Commanded his 
regiment at Fort Donelson and Shiloh, where he was commended by 
Gen. Lew Wallace. Discharged Aug. 11, 1862. (Reb. Rec. and Volunteer 
Register.) 

BEAUMONT, T. W. Captain 60th Tenn. (conf.) commanding 
battery; engaged at Forts Henry and Donelson and in May, 1863, was 
Lieut. Colonel 50th Tenn., commanding a provisional regiment, and 
was wounded in action at Raymond, Miss. Killed in battle of Chicka- 
mauga. (Reb. Rec.) 

BID WELL, Bell G. Captain 30th Tenn. (conf.) comdg. battery. 
Later promoted Major of his regiment, engaged at Richmond, Miss., 
and later commanded post at Enterprise and Macon, Miss. (Reb. Rec.) 

BROWN, John C. Colonel 3d Tenn. (conf.) comdg. 3d Brigade. 
Born in Giles co. Tenn. Jan. 6, 1827. Died Aug. 17, 1889. Graduated 
at Jackson College, Tenn. 1846. Entered military service of the conf.. 
states at the beginning of the civil war and was successively promoted 
Colonel, Brig. Gen. and on Aug. 4th, 1864, Major Gen. 

Left nearly penniless by the war he found employment as a rail- 
road surveyor at a small salary, but proved so efficient a manager that 
he was made president of the Nashville Railroad. After constructing 
several small lines in Tenn. he entered the service of the Texas Pac. 
R. R. and had charge of it during its extension westward to the Rio 
Grande and eastward to New Orleans. Later he was appointed re- 
ceiver of the entire property. He was president of the constitutional 
216 



216 BIOGRAPHICAL 

convention of Tenn. and twice governor of the state, in 1870 and 
1875. (Appletons Cyclopedia Am. Bio. — Southern Hist. Soc. Papers.) 

BROWN, William N. Major 20th Miss, (conf.) Later Lieut. Col. 
and Colonel of the same regiment and was wounded at the battle of 
Franklin. (Reb. Rec.) 

BUCKNER, Simon B. Brig. Gen. (conf.) comdg. division. Born 
in Kentucky in 1823. He was graduated at the U. S. military academy 
in 1844. Entering the 2d Infantry he was, from August, 1845, till May, 
1846, assistant professor of ethics at West Point. He was breveted 
first lieutenant for gallantry at Contreras and Churubusco, where he 
was wounded, and captain for gallantry at Molino del Rey. He was 
appointed assistant instructor of infantry tactics at West Point, August, 
1848, and resigned 25 March, 1865. He was superintendent of construc- 
tion of the Chicago custom-house in 1855, and colonel of volunteers 
raised in Illinois in that year for the Utah expedition, but not mustered 
into service. He then practiced law, and became the most prominent 
of the Knights of the Golden Circle in Kentucky. After the civil war 
began he was made commander of the state guard of Kentucky and 
adjutant-general of the state. On 12 Sept., 1861, he issued from Russel- 
ville an address to the people of Kentucky, calling on them to take up 
arms against the usurpation of Abraham Lincoln, after which he occu- 
pied Bowling Green. After the capture of Fort Henry he evacuated 
that place and withdrew to Fort Donelson, where he commanded a 
brigade, and after the escape of Pillow and Floyd, surrendered the 
fort 16 Feb., to Gen. Grant. He was imprisoned at Fort Warren, 
Boston, until exchanged in August, 1862. He subsequently commanded 
the 1st division of Gen. Hardee's corps in Bragg's army in Tennessee. 
Later he was made a major-general, and assigned to the 3d grand 
division, was in the battles of Murfreesboro and Chickamauga, and 
surrendered with Kirby Smith's army to Osterhaus, at Baton Rouge, 
26 May, 1865. He was one of the pall-bearers at Gen. Grant's funeral. 
He was elected governor of Kentucky in 1887. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

CAVENDER, John S. Major 1st Mo. Born in Franklin N. H. 
March 11, 1824. Died in St. Louis, Mo., Feb. 23d, 1886. Moved to St. 
Louis in 1836 and in 1840 was sent to Phillips Academy, Exeter, N. H., 
to complete his education. Elected in 1860 a representative of Mis- 
souri, and resigned to accept captaincy in 1st Mo. vols. Wounded at 
Wilsons Creek. After recovery commanded a battery of light artillery 
at Fort Donelson, Shiloh and Corinth, after which he commanded 29th 
Mo. vols, at Chickasaw Bayou and Arkansas Post, soon after which he 
resigned and returned to St. Louis, being breveted Brig. Gen. State 
Senator 1867-1872. (Soc. Army Tenn., meeting 1886.) 

CHETLAIN, Augustus L. Lieut. Col. 12th 111. Inf., Brig. Gen. 
vols. Dec. 13, 1863. Born St. Louis, Mo., Dec. 26, 1824. His parents of 
French Huguenot stock, emigrated from Neufchatel, Switzerland, in 
1823. He received a common school education, became a merchant in 



NOTES 217 

Galena, and was the first volunteer at a meeting held in response to 
the president's call in 1861. He was chosen captain of the company 
when Gen. (then Capt.) Grant declined and subsequently commis- 
sioned Lieut. Col. and Colonel 12th 111. With regiment at Fort Henry, 
led it at Fort Donelson, engaged at Shiloh, distinguished himself at 
Corinth, being left in command of that post until May, 1863. Pro- 
moted Brig. Gen. Dec. 13, 1863, placed in charge of the organization of 
colored troops in Tenn. and afterward Ky. and by Jan. 1, 1864, raised 
a force of 17,000 men for which he was breveted Major General. Com- 
manded post of Memphis, 1865. 

Assessor of internal revenue for District of Utah 1867-69, then 
U. S. Consul at Brussels, and, after his return to U. S. in 1872, estab- 
lished himself in Chicago as a banker and stockbroker. (Appletons 
Cyclopedia of Am. Biog.) 

CHURCHILL, James O. 1st Lieutenant 11th 111., Captain and A. 
Q. M. Vols. June 30, 1864. Was sergeant 11th 111. Vols. July 30, 1861, 
promoted 2d Lieut. Sept. 1, 1861, 1st Lieut. Sept. 15, 1861, and Captain 
nth 111. May 10, 1862, and discharged Oct. 3, 1864, to accept appoint- 
ment as Captain and A. Q. M. Vols, to date June 30, 1864. Honorably 
mustered out Sept. 15, 1866, with brevet of Lieut. Colonel. (Vol. Reg.) 

COOK, John. Colonel 7th 111. Inf. comdg. 3d Brigade. Born 
Belleville, 111., June 12, 1825. Was left an orphan and the possessor of 
a fortune at an early age, educated by his grandfather, Gov. Edwards, 
and, after his death, by a clergyman, and entered college at Jackson- 
ville, 111., but was not graduated, on account of the failure of his sight. 
He engaged in mercantile business in St. Louis, Mo.; in 1846 entered 
the dry goods business with his uncle in Springfield, 111., and afterward 
became a dealer in real estate. In 1866 he was made mayor of Spring- 
field, the following year sheriff of Sangamon countj' and later quarter- 
master general of the state. Just previous to the civil war he was 
captain of a company of militia. At the beginning of the civil war in 
1861 he commanded the first regiment raised in Illinois. For complaint 
of certain irregularities of his command see Reb. Rec, Serial No. 11, 
pages 13-14. For gallantry at the capture of Fort Donelson, where he 
commanded a brigade, he was made a Brigadier General on March 21, 
1862, commanded a brigade in reserve corps of Pope's Army in July, 
1862, and Sept. 1862 was assigned to a district in the Dept. of the 
Northwest, where he commanded during troubles with Indians. In 
Sept., 1864, he commanded the District of Illinois, with headquarters 
at Springfield. He was mustered out on Aug. 24, 1865, with the rank 
of Major General by brevet. Elected in 1868 to the Ilhnois legislature. 
(Appletons Cyc. Am. Biog.; Reb. Rec.) 

COOK, Ed. C. Col. 32d Tenn. (conf.) engaged at Donelson, com- 
manded a brigade at battle of Chickamauga, and killed in action 
near Marietta, Ga., June 22, 1864. (Reb. Rec.) 

CRU FT, Charles. Colonel 31st Ind. Inf. comdg. brigade, Major Gen. 
Vols. Mch. 5, 1865. Born in Terra Haute, Ind., Jan. 12, 1826. Died in 



218 BIOGRAPHICAL 

Terre Haute March 23, 1883. Was graduated at Wabash college, 1842, 
and practiced law until 1855, when he became president of the Terre 
Haute and Alton R. R. Commissioned in 1861 Colonel 31st Ind. Vols. 
Engaged at Fort Donelson and twice wounded at Shiloh. Promoted 
Brig. Gen. of volunteers 3u]y 16, 1862. Engaged at Stone River and 
Chickamauga and commanded a division at Missionary Ridge and in 
Atlanta campaign. Promoted Major Gen. Vols. March 5, 1865. After 
the war he returned to the practice of law and owned the Terre Haute 
Express. (Appletons Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Reunion Army Cumberland, 
1883.) 

CULBERTSON, Jacob. Captain (conf.) comdg. batteries. Grad- 
uated U. S. M. A. 1850, No. 7, and assigned as brevet 2d Lt. of Artillery 
and 2d Lt. 4th Art. Dec. 11, 1850, and promoted 1st Lt. 4th Art. Feb. 14, 
1856. Resigned Jan. 10, 1857. Captain and Major of Artillery in C. S. 
Army. (CuUums Register.) 

DOSS, Washington L. Major 14th Miss. (conf.). Served succes- 
sively as Major, Lieut. Col. and Colonel 14th Miss, and last mentioned 
as in command of his regiment on Dec. 10, 1864. (Reb. Rec.) 

DOVE, Benjamin M. Commander U. S. Navy. Born in Virginia, 
and appointed to the Navy from the District of Columbia. In 1853 was 
a Senior Lieutenant on duty aboard the frigate Constitution. During 
the civil war he was actively commanding gunboats in western waters 
and finally the U. S. S. Louisville until about Oct. 1, 1862, when he was 
relieved to be assigned to shore duty. On Nov. 27th, 1863, he reported 
at Beaufort, N. C, and commanded that Naval Station, Dec. 20, 1864, 
being the last date mentioned. No further record found. (Navy 
records and registers.) 

DRESSER, Jasper M. Captain Battery A, 111. F. A. Born Litch- 
field, Mich., May 17, 1838. Died St. Augustine, Fla., Feb. 25, 1894. 
Graduated from Hillsdale College and engaged in business at Lafayette, 
Ind., studied law and was admitted to the bar. In 1860 accepted a 
position in the Land Office, Washington, and from there enlisted under 
the 3 months call and was severely wounded at Bull Run. Re-entered 
the service Aug. 14, 1861, as Captain Btry. A and D, 2nd Regt. 111. Light 
Art.; served on Gen. McClernand's staff at battle of Belmont, engaged 
at Fort Donelson and resigned March 28, 1862. In Sept., 1862, ap- 
pointed Major 86th Ind. Vols.; subsequently promoted Lieut. Col. and 
was so severely wounded at Stone River that he was compelled to 
retire from the service June 2. 1863. He again practiced law and in 
1886 was elected State Senator. (Soc. Army Tenn, 1894 and Reb. Rec.) 

DUQUCRON, Augustus. Mentioned in R. R. 66-406, as Captain 
in command of two army torpedo steamers ordered April 6, 1864, by 
the Department Commander at Charleston, S. C, to proceed by inland 
navigation and attack the enemy's vessels in the waters of Saint 
Helena Sound and Port Royal or their tributary streams. 

FARQUHARSON, Robert. Colonel 41st Tenn. (conf.). Served in 
Mexican war as Major 1st Tenn. vols, and was wounded at Cerro 



NOTES 219 

Gordo. At the beginning of the civil war was appointed Colonel 41st 
Tenn., Nov. 26, 1861. Captured at Fort Donelson and exchanged in 
Sept., 1862, the regiment being reorganized. Engaged at Raymond, 
Miss., retired about August, 1863. (Wilcox Hist. Mex. War; Reb. Rec. ; 
Mil. Annals of Tenn.) 

FLOYD, John B. Brig. Gen. (conf.) comdg.division. Statesman, 
born in Blacksburg, Va., June 1, 1807; died near Abingdon, Va., Aug. 
26, 1863. He was graduated at the College of South Carolina in 1826, 
removed to Arkansas in 1836, and resided there three years, when he 
returned to Virginia and practiced law in Washington county. He 
served in the state legislature in 1847-49 and 1853, and was governor of 
Virginia in 1850-63. He was a member of the electoral college in 1856, 
and a supporter of James Buchanan for the presidency, who appointed 
him secretary of war. He held this office from 1857 till the autumn of 
1860, when, having declared for secession, he resigned, and returned 
to his home in Abingdon, Va. In the winter of 1861 he was indicted in 
Washington, on the charge of having secretly, during the latter portion 
of his administration of the war department, prepared the means to 
aid secession leaders, dispersed the army into remote parts of the 
country, where the troops could not readily be conveyed to the Atlantic 
coast, and transferred from northern to southern arsenals 113,000 
muskets; and that he was privy to the abstraction of f 870,000 in bonds 
from the department of the interior during the latter part of 1860. 
Immediately on learning of these charges, Mr. Floyd went to Wash- 
ington, appeared before the court, gave bail, and demanded trial. In 
January, 1861, a committee of the house of representatives made an 
investigation, and completely exonerated Mr. Floyd from each charge 
of the indictment. In 1861 he was appointed brigadier general in the 
Confederate army, and was engaged at the battle of Carnifex Ferry, 
Sept. 10, 1861. In command at Fort Donelson, but escaped before sur- 
render, for which he was censured and relieved of further command 
in C. S. Army. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

FONTAINE, Felix Q. War correspondent. Born 1834, died Dec. 
11, 1896. Fontaine, who wrote under the pen name of "Personne" was 
a celebrated Southern war correspondent and man of letters. His 
father. Chevalier de Fontaine, a distinguished scholar and author, was 
a member of the court of Charles X and fled from Paris with that 
prince in the revolution of 1830, came to the United States and married, 
where his son Felix was born. Fontaine was one of the old school re- 
porters of the U. S. Senate in the days of Clay, Calhoun, Webster and 
Douglas, and later one of the best journalists of the south; during the 
civil war his descriptions of army life and battles were widely known 
and his "Letters from the Front" became part of the current history 
of the time. Losing one of the largest newspaper offices in the south 
by the burning of Columbia, he went north after the war, where for 
three years he was managing editor of the N. Y. Evening Telegram, 
seven years financial editor of the N. Y. Herald, then dramatic and 



220 BIOGRAPHICAL 

musical editor for years. He was also the author of some nine books 
on varied subjects. (Information furnished by the editor Charleston 
Courier,) 

FOOTE, Andrew H. Flag Officer U. S. Navy comdg. Naval forces 
Western Waters. Rear Admiral June 16, 1862. Born in New Haven, 
Conn., Sept. 12, 1806; died in New York City, June 26, 1863. En- 
tered as midshipman Dec. 4, 1822, on the elder Com. David Porter's 
squadron that was sent out in 1823 to break up the piratical nests 
among the West India Islands. He was promoted lieutenant in 1830, 
and in 1849 was appointed captain of the brig "Perry", in which he 
cruised off the African coast for two years, doing effective service in 
the suppression of the slave-trade. He was put in command of the 
sloop-of -war "Plymouth" in 1856, and arrived at Canton, China, on the 
eve of the hostilities between the Chinese and English. He exerted 
himself to protect American property, and was fired on by the Barrier 
forts while thus engaged. He obtained permission from Com. Arm- 
strong to demand an apology, and when it was refused he attacked 
the forts, four in number, with the "Portsmouth" and the "Levant", 
breached the largest and carried them by storm. His loss was 40, 
while that of the enemy was 400. At the beginning of the civil war he 
was chosen by the government to command the western flotilla. The 
equipment and organization of this flotilla taxed the energies of Flag 
Officer Foote to the utmost, and he always spoke of it as his greatest 
work. Engaged at Fort Henry and wounded at Fort Donelson. He 
then aided Pope on the Mississippi, and, after a seines of ineffectual 
attempts, Island No. 10 was surrendered to him on April 7. His wound 
became so serious that he was obliged to give up his western com- 
mand. On June 16, 1862, he received a vote of thanks from congress, 
and was made a rear admiral, and on June 22 he was appointed chief 
of the bureau of equipment and recruiting. On June 4, 1863, he was 
chosen to succeed Rear-Admiral Dupont in command of the fleet off 
Charleston, and while on his way to assume this command he died in 
New York. He was a man of a high type of Christian character, with 
most genial and lovable traits, but uncompromisingly firm in his 
principles, especially in regard to temperance reform in the navy, 
where he was the means of abolishing the spirit-ration. During a 
period of four years after 1852, when he remained at home, he wrote 
"Africa and the American Flag". (Appletons Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

FORREST, Nathan B. Colonel, Tenn. Cavalry (conf.); Lieut. 
Gen. C. S. A. Born Bedford co., Tenn., July 13, 1821; died Memphis, 
Tenn., Oct. 29, 1877. His family removed to North Mississippi in 1834. 
He received but little early education as his mother and a large family 
of children were early left dependent upon his labor for their support. 
In 1841 volunteered for Texas war of independence but the company 
on reaching Texas found no use for their services and he returned to 
Mississippi where in 1842 he went into business in Hernando. In two 
shooting affairs he bested his adversaries when the odds were against 



NOTES 221 

him. In 1852 he established himself in Memphis, Tenn., as a dealer in 
real estate and slaves, and later gave this up, bought and operated two 
large cotton plantations, growing 1000 bales in 1861. In 1857 he pre- 
vented a lynching by cutting down and taking to jail the intended 
victim, in the face of a large angry mob, and then held off the mob at 
the jail; and largely on this account was elected an alderman of 
Memphis for several succeeding years. Enlisted as a private in Tenn. 
Cav. June 14, 1861. About July 10, 1861, was commissioned colonel to 
raise a regiment of cavalry, and armed and equipped the regiment 
largely at his own expense. The regiment was actively engaged in 
reconnaissance during fall and winter of 1861-62 and was in several 
small actions, and joined Fort Donelson Feb. 10, 1862. Col. Forrest 
later became very prominent as a bold, active and successful cavalry 
leader, being promoted Brig. Gen. July 21, 1862; Major General Dec. 4, 
1863, and Lieut. General Feb. 28, 1865. He was wounded four times 
and had 18 horses killed and 10 others wounded under him during the 
war. (Campaigns of Lt. Gen. Forrest and Forrest's Cav.) 

FRY, Thomas W. Surgeon, Med. Director 3d Div. Originally 
entered volunteer service as surgeon, 11th Indiana vols., and was ap- 
pointed Surgeon of Vols. Jan. 17, 1862. Mustered out Nov. 30, 1865, as 
Surgeon and brevet Lieut. Col. vols. (Army registers.) 

GILMER, Jeremy F. Colonel, Chief Eng. West. Dept. (conf.). 
Born Guilford co. N. C, Feb. 23, 1818; died Dec. 1, 1883. Graduated U. 
S. M. A. 1839, No. 4, and promoted 2d Lt. Eng., July 1, 1839, and 1st 
Lieut. Dec. 29, 1845. Served during war with Mexico in New Mexico 
and surveying battlefields about Mexico City. Promoted Capt. Engrs. 
July 1, 1853. Resigned his oommission June 29, 1861, and entered 
confederate army. Appointed Major of Eng. Sept., 1861, and was 
chief engineer on Gen. A. S. Johnston's staff. Wounded at Shiloh and 
after recovery appointed chief of the Engineer Bureau at Richmond; 
Aug. 20, 1863, promoted Major General and ordered to Charleston to 
direct the defense, but in June, 1864, he returned to Richmond and re- 
sumed charge of Bureau of Engineering. After the war he engaged in 
railroad and other enterprises in Georgia, being president of the 
Savannah Gas Co., 1867 to 1883. (Cullom's Reg.; App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

GRANT, Ulysses S. Brig. Gen. vols.; General, U. S. Army. 
Born Clermont co., Ohio, April 27, 1822. Cadet M. A. July 1, 1839. 
Graduated July 1, 1843, No. 21 in a class of thirty-nine and assigned to 
4th Infantry. War with Mexico, engaged in battles of Palo Alto, 
Resaca de la Palma, Monterey, Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, San Antonio, 
Churubusco, breveted 1st Lieut, for gallant conduct at Molino del Rey, 
and breveted Captain for gallant conduct at Chapultepec; promoted 
1st Lieut., 1847, and Captain, 1853. Resigned July 31, 1854, and re- 
moved to Gravois, near St. Louis, where he owned and worked a farm. 
In 1860 he entered the leather trade with his father and brother at 
Galena, 111. On April 19, 1861, Gi-ant commenced drilling a company 
of volunteers which he superintended April-May; assisted in organiz- 



222 BIOGRAPHICAL 

ing and mustering volunteers into service May to June 17, 1861, wlien 
he was appointed Colonel 21st 111. vols, which regiment he commanded 
until Aug. 7, when he was commissioned Brig. Gen. of volunteers to 
date from May 17, 1861. His later services and life are too well known 
to require mention. 

QREQQ, John. Colonel 7th Texas (conf.), commanded at battle 
of Raymond; was promoted Bx-ig. Gen. Sept. 27, 1862, and served with 
credit through the war, being in command of a Texas brigade (cav.) 
Army of Northern Virginia during the later years of the war, and was 
killed in action near Petersburg, Va., Oct. 7, 1864. (Reb. Rec. ; Mil. & 
Naval Hist. Rebellion.) 

HALLECK, Henry W. Born Westernville, N. Y., Jan. 16, 1815; 
died Louisville, Ky., Jan. 9, 1872. Graduated U. S. M. A. in 1839, 
standing No. 3 in a class of thirty-one, and assigned to the Engineer 
Corps. In 1845 went to Europe to examine public works, appointed 
1st Lieut, of Engineers Jan. 1, 1845. His report on coast defense at- 
tracted such favorable notice that the Lowell Institute invited him to 
deliver twelve lectures on the science of war. These, rearranged, 
were published in 1846 under the title, "Elements of Military Art and 
Science", which, being the best in our language, was much used by 
students of the military profession, and during the civil war was used 
as a manual, particularly by volunteers. During Mexican war he was 
assigned to Avest coast, and partially fortified Monterey, Cal. "Was 
Secretary of State of California under military administration, and ac- 
companied several expeditions into Lower California, participating in 
several actions. Breveted Captain May 1, 1847. He had much to do 
with the organization of California as a state. Promotod Captain of 
Engineers July 1, 1853. Resigned Aug. 1, 1854. He then practiced law 
and was director general of a quicksilver mine, and in addition pub- 
lished several works including a "Collection of Mining Laws of Spain 
and Mexico" and a treatise on International Law. He was also in 1855 
president of a railroad and in 1860-61 Major General of California 
militia. Union college gave him the degree of A.M. in 1843 and L.L.D. 
in 1862. At the beginning of the civil war he was head of the most 
prominent law firm in San Francisco with large interests and living in 
affluence. He tendered his services and was appointed Major General 
in U. S. Army Aug. 19, 1861, and assigned to command the Department 
of Missouri, where both civil and military affairs were in much con- 
fusion, his administrative ability and energy soon bringing about a 
great improvement. Commanded Dept. of the Mississippi March 11 
to July 11, 1862, which included all operations in the middle west. 
General-in-chief, Armies of the U. S. July 11, 1862, to March 12, 1864; 
Chief of Staff U. S. Army March 12, 1864, to April 19, 1865; comdg. Mil. 
Div. of the James April 22 to July 1, 1865; Div. of the Pacific 1865-69, 
and Div. of the South 1869 until his death. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; 
CuUum's Register.) 



NOTES 223 

HANSON, Roger W. Colonel 2d Ky. (conf.); Brig. Gen. Dec. 31, 
1862. Born in Clark co., Ky., Aug. 27, 1827; died near Murfreesboro, 
Tenn., Jan 2, 1863. Was 1st Lieut, in Capt. John S. Williams company 
of Ky. vols, in Mexican war, and was engaged at Cerro Gordo. Mem- 
ber of the General Assembly from Fayette co., Ky. ; in 1855 elector on 
Fillmore ticket and 1857 was Know Nothing candidate for Congress 
and was defeated. Appointed Colonel 2d Ky., conf., Sept. 2, 1861, 
and promoted Brig. Gen. Dec. 31, 1862. Killed at battle of Stone 
River. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

HAYNES, Milton A. Lieut. Col. and Chief Tenn. Art. Corps 
(conf.). Born 1814; died at Memphis, Tenn., Sept. 27, 1867. Graduated 
U. S. M. A. 1838, No. 18, and assigned to artillery. Served in Florida 
war 1838-39. Resigned Sept. 30, 1839; counselor at law in Nashville, 
1840 to 1846; Asst. Adjt. Gen. of Tenn. Militia 1844-46; served in Mex. 
war as Capt. 1st Tenn. vol. cavalry, June 9, 1846, to May 31, 1847, after 
which he again practiced law. Served in civil war as Lieut. Col. and 
Chief of Artillery ; no record later than 1863. (Cullum's Reg. ; Reb.Rec.) 

HAYNIE, IshamN. Colonel 48th 111. Vols. Born in Dover, Tenn., 
Nov. 18, 1824; died Springfield, 111., in Nov., 1868. He removed to 
Illinois in early childhood, received little education and worked on a 
farm to obtain means to study law, in which he was licensed to prac- 
tice in 1846. He served throughout the Mexican war as 1st Lieut. 6th 
111. vols. ; resumed his profession in 1849 and was a member of the state 
legislature in 1850. He was graduated at the Kentucky Law School in 
1852, and in 1856 was appointed judge of the Court of Common Pleas 
at Cairo, 111. He was presidential elector on Douglas ticket in 1860, 
and 1861 raised the 48th 111. vols., being commissioned its colonel. In 
battles of Forts Henry and Donelson, Shiloh where he was severely 
wounded, and Corinth. Was defeated as war candidate for Congress 
in 1862 and was appointed Brig. Gen. of Vols. Nov. 29, 1862. Resigned 
March 6, 1863; resumed his profession in 1864 and subsequently became 
Adjt. Gen. of Illinois. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Reb. Rec.) 

HEIMAN, Adolphus. Colonel 10th Tenn. (conf.). Before the war 
lived in Nashville, Tenn. Commanded Fort Henry for about six 
months prior to its fall and in reports from other oflflcers is stated 
to be a capable officer with a very well disciplined regiment. After 
the fall of Fort Donelson he was a prisoner of war until August, 1862, 
when he rejoined his command but he soon became ill and in Novem- 
ber, 1862, died at Jackson, Miss. (Reb. Rec.) 

JOHNSTON, Albert S. General, C. S. Army, comdg. Western 
Dept. Born in Washington, Ky., Feb. 3, 1803; killed at Shiloh, April 
6, 1862. Graduated U. S. M. A. in 1826, No. 8, and assigned to 6th Inf. 
Served in Black Hawk war 1832 as Colonel, Staff (Asst. Adjt. Gen.) of 
111. vols. Resigned May 31, 1834, while 2d Lieut. Farmer for a short 
time near St. Louis, but in Aug., 1836, joined Army of Republic of 
Texas and in same year was made Adjutant General of this Army, 



224 BIOGRAPHICAL 

Senior Brig. Gen. 1836-38 and Sec. of War, Rep. of Tex., 1838-40. Then 
engaged in planting in Texas, but at outbreak of Mexican war joined 
the army under Gen. Taylor on the Rio Grande. His regiment, the 1st 
Texas Rifles, was soon disbanded, but he continued in service and was 
Inspector General of Butler's division at the battle of Monterey. He 
was recommended as a Brig. Gen. but was set aside by the president 
for political reasons and retired to his farm 1846-49. He remained hei-e 
"in poverty" until appointed a paymaster U. S. A. by President Taj^lor 
in 1849. In 1855 was appointed Colonel 2d (now 5th) Cavalry, a new 
regiment, whicli he organized, Robert E. Lee being Lieut. Cel. and 
Geo. H. Thomas and W. J. Hardee Majors. In 1857 commanded ex- 
pedition in "Mormon war" and was breveted Brig. Gen. Resigned 
May 3, 1861. Appointed Gen. C. S. A. Aug. 31, 1861, and Sept. 14, 1861, 
arrived at Nashville to assume his command which embraced all the 
country west of Atlantic States and north of Gulf States. Killed at 
the battle of Shiloh. (Ajip. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Cullum's Register.) 

JOHNSON, Bushrod R. Brig. Gen. C. S. A. comdg. division. 
Born Belmont co., Ohio, Oct. 7, 1817; died Brighton, 111., Sept. 11, 1880. 
Was graduated U. S. M. A. 1840, No. 23, and assigned to 3d Inf.; served 
in Florida war 1840-42; promoted 1st Lieut. 3d Inf., Feb. 29, 1844. 
Mexican war, engaged at Palo Alto, Reseca de la Palma, Monterey, 
and Vera Cruz; resigned Oct. 22, 1847. Professor and subsequently 
superintendent Western Military Institute, Georgetown. Ky., 1848-55, 
and superintendent Mil. College University of Nashville 1855-61; Lieut. 
Col. Ky. Militia 1849-51, and Col. 1851-54; Col. Tenn. Militia 1854-61. 
Entered confederate service in 1861 and was appointed Brig. Gen. Jan. 
24, 1862. Taken prisoner at Donelson, but shortly afterward escaped 
and was wounded at Shiloh. Commanded a division at Chattanooga, 
served in subsequent engagements in Army of Tenn., was promoted 
Major General May 21, 1864, and commanded a division at the sur- 
render. Then became superintendent of the Military College in the 
University of Nashville and chancellor of that institution. (Cullum's 
Reg.; App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

LAUMAN, Jacob Q. Colonel 7th Iowa, comdg. brigade. Born in 
Taney town, Md., Jan. 20, 1813; died in Burhngton, Iowa, Feb. 9, 1867. 
Educated at the academy in York co., Penn. In 1844 he moved to 
Burlington, Iowa, where he engaged in commerce and as a private 
banker. Appointed Oct., 1845, as 1st Lieut. "Burlington Greys" Militia 
of Iowa Territory; appointed A. D. C. to Governor of Iowa Jan. 25, 
1856. Commissioned Colonel 7th Iowa vols, in July, 1861; wounded at 
Belmont Nov. 7, 1861, and^commanded a brigade at Forts Henry and 
Donelson. Commissioned Brig. Gen. of Vols. March 21, 1862; com- 
manded a brigade at Shiloh and at siege of Corinth, and a division at 
siege of Vicksburg; commanded a division in Gen. Ord's corps in 
Jackson campaign, July, 1863. (R. R. Serial Vol. No. 37— pp. 523-525, 
575, 697.) Breveted Major Gen. Vols. March 13, 1865, and mustered 



NOTES 225 

out Aug. 24, 1865. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Papers Gen. Lauman's son; 
Reb. Rec.) 

LILLARD, John M. Colonel 30th Tenn. (conf.). Appointed Col. 
Sept. 6, 1861; captured at Fort Donelson and after exchange in Sept., 
1862, again resumed command of the regiment. Engaged at Stone 
River and was killed at Chickamauga. (Mil. Ann. Tenn.; Reb. Rec.) 

LYON, Hylan B. Lieut. Colonel 8th Ky. (conf.). Born 1836; died 
at Eddysville, Ky., April 26, 1907. Was graduated U. S. M. A. 1856, 
No. 19, and assigned to Artillery. Served in Florida against Seminole 
Indians 1856-1857; promoted 1st Lieut. 3d Art. Sept. 27, 1860. Resigned 
April 30, 1861, and entered confederate service; Lieut. Col. and Colonel 
8th K3^, and commissioned Brig. Gen. June 14, 1864. He commanded 
a cavalry brigade in Forrest's Div. Army of Tennessee, and at one 
time the Dept. of Ky. After the war was a farmer at Eddyville, Ky. 
(So. Hist. Soc. papers; Heitman's Register; Reb. Rec.) 

MARKS, Samuel B. Captain 18th 111. In Jan., 1863, was Major 
comdg. 18th 111. in Dept. of Jackson; and Dec, 1863, and April, 1864, 
was Lieut. Col. comdg. same regiment in 7th A. C. Dept. of Arkansas. 
Mustered out June, 1864, expiration term of service. (Reb. Rec; Vol. 
Register.) 

MARSH, C. Carroll. Colonel 20th 111. comdg. Cape Girardeau, 
Mo., and regiment Aug., 1861; in successful action at Frederickstown, 
Mo., Oct. 21, 1861; engaged at Donelson, commanded brigade at Shiloh 
and brigades in 13th and 17th Army Corps to Jan. 25, 1863. Recommended 
by Gen. Grant Oct. 21, 1862, for promotion. Resigned April 22, 1863, 
(Reb. Rec) 

MERSY, August. Colonel 9th 111. Engaged at Fort Donelson 
and Shiloh and from Jan., 1863, commanded brigades in the Army of 
Tenn., and for a time a division, including a brigade during the Atlanta 
campaign to July 24, 1864. Mustered out Aug., 1864, expiration term 
of service. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Register.) 

MORRISON. William R. Colonel 49th 111. Inf.; comdg. 3d Brigade 
IstDiv. Born in Monroe co.. 111., Sept. 14, 1824 or -25. He was edu- 
cated at McKendree College, Lebanon, 111., and served as a private in 
the Mexican war. In 1852-54 he was clerk of the circuit court of 
Monroe county, and in 1854 was elected to the state legislature. Was 
admitted to the bar in 1855 and continued in legislature until 1859, 
holding speakership the latter year. Organized the 49th Ills. vols, at 
the beginning of the civil war and was wounded at Fort Donelson. 
While in command of his regiment in the field he was elected to 
Congress as a democrat and served in 1863-65, but was defeated for 
39th and 40th Congresses; again served 1873-87 and in 1873-75 was 
chairman of committee of ways and means. Defeated for Congress 
1886. Introduced Morrison tariff measure. Served 1887 to 1897 as a 
member of the interstate commerce commission, of which he was 
chairman after 1891. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Annual Enc.) 



226 BIOGRAPHICAL 

McARTHUR, John. Colonel 12th 111. Inf. comdg. 1st Brigade 2d 
Div. Born Erskine, Scotland, Nov. 17, 1826. Son of a blacksmith and 
worked at that trade until 23 years of age, when he came to the United 
States and settled in Chicago, 111., where he was employed as foreman 
in a foundry, and was subsequently at the head of an establishment of 
his own. When the civil war began he joined the 12th 111. vols, with a 
company of which he was Captain, and was chosen Lieut. Colonel; he 
soon after became Colonel of the regiment, commanded a brigade at 
Fort Donelson, being promoted Brig. Gen. Vols. Mar. 21,1862. AtShiloh 
he was wounded in the foot, but returned, after it was dressed, to his 
brigade and succeeded to the command of the 2d Div. when Gen. 
W. H. L. Wallace was wounded. He commanded a division in Gen. 
McPherson's Corps in operations against Vicksburg. Took a con- 
spicuous part in the battle of Nashville, commanding a division, and 
for gallantry in this action was brevetted Major General. Was post- 
master at Chicago 1873-77. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

McCAUSLAND, John. Colonel 36th Va. (conf.) comdg. brigade. 
Was Lieut. Col. on April 29, 1861, and authorized to muster in and 
command a regiment in Kanawha Valley and in Aug., 1861 was Colonel 
36th Va.; commanded a brigade at Fort Donelson, leaving before the 
surrender; May, 1862, commanded a brigade in Shenandoah Valley, 
and continued operating in West Virginia until he was promoted Brig. 
Gen. May 24, 1864, when he was assigned to command a brigade of 
Virginia cavalry which operated, mainly in the Shenandoah Valley, 
until the close of the war. (Reb. Rec.) 

McCLERNAND, John A. Brig. Gen. Vols, comdg. Div.; Major 
Gen. Vols. Born Breckenridge co., Ky., May 30, 1812; died Springfield, 
111., Sept. 20, 1900. In 1832 he was. admitted to the bar, and the same 
year he was a volunteer in the war against the Sacs and Foxes. In 
1836 he established the Shawneetown, 111., Democrat. From 1837 to 
1842 he was a member of the Illinois legislature; 1843-51 was a member 
of Congress, was re-elected 1858 and resigned at outbreak of the civil 
war. He was appointed Brig. Gen. of Vols., accompanied Gen. Grant 
at Belmont, and commanded division at Donelson. Promoted Major 
Gen. of Vols. March 21, 1862; commanded a division at J^hiloh and in 
Jan., 1863, relieved Gen. Sherman in command of the expedition to 
Vicksburg. Commanded the force that captured Arkansas Post, 
present at battle of Champion Hills and siege of Vicksburg. In July, 
1863, he was relieved from command of the 13th A. C. pending inves- 
tigation of charges made by Gen. Grant; was restored to command in 
Jan., 1864, and resigned in Nov., 1864. 1870-73 was circuit judge for 
the Sangamon, 111., district. In 1876 was chairman of the Democratic 
convention and under President Cleveland served as a member of the 
Utah Commission. (Annual Enc.) 

McQINNIS, George F. Colonel 11th Ind. Inf. Born Boston, Mass., 
March 19, 1826. He was educated in the common schools of Maine and 
Ohio, served during the Mexican war as Captain of Ohio vols, and in 



NOTES 227 

the civil war as Lieut. Col. and Colonel of the 11th Ind. Inf., was en- 
gaged at Fort Donelson and Shiloh and promoted Brig. Gen. of Vols. 
Nov. 29, 1862; commanded brigade at Port Gibson and Champion 
Hills and served throughout the war in Louisiana and Arkansas com- 
manding a division for a'portion of the time. After the war he settled 
in Indianapolis, Ind., became auditor of Marion co. in 1867 and held 
that office until 1871. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Reb. Rec.) 

Mcpherson, James B. Lieut. Col. U. S. A., Chief Eng. ; Major 
Gen. Vols.; Brig. Gen. U. S. A. Born Sandusky, Ohio, Nov. 14, 1828; 
killed in action near Atlanta, Ga., July 22, 1864. Was graduated from 
U. S. M. A., No. 1 in a class of 51, July 1, 1853, and assigned to Eng. 
Corps; promoted to 1st Lieut. 1858, and Captain, 1861, and served on 
fortification and other construction duty until beginning of civil war. 
Appointed Lieut. Col., staff, Nov. 12, 1861, and aide to Major Gen. 
Halleck on Feb. 1, 1862. Chief Eng. on Gen. Grant's staff, engaged at 
Donelson, Shiloh and Siege of Corinth. Promoted Brig. Gen. Vols. 
May 15, 1862, and present on Grant's staff at luka; in command of a 
brigade Oct. 2-14, 1862. Major Gen. Vols. Oct. 8, 1862, in command of 
a division Army of the Tenn. in Vicksburg campaign. Appointed 
Brig. Gen. U. S. Army Aug. 1, 1863. In numerous actions with Army 
of the Tenn. including Atlanta campaign, until killed in the repulse of 
a sortie from Atlanta. Gen. Grant considered him one of the ablest 
engineers and most skillful generals. (Cullum's Reg.) 

N. Y. TIMES Correspondent. The New York Times is unable to 
furnish any information in regard to its correspondent at Fort Donel- 
son. Col. Lauman, 7th Iowa, writes from Smithland, Ky., in a letter 
to his wife dated Feb. 1, 1862: "Wilkie, the correspondent of the N. 
Y. Times, called to see me the other day. I found an old acquaintance 
in him, having met him several times before — the first time at the 
military convention at Davenport and subsequently at Burlington. 
He is from Dubuque." 

OQLESBY, Richard J. Colonel 8th 111. Inf. comdg. 1st Brigade, 
1st Div. Born in Oldham co., Ky., July 25, 1824; died Elkhart, 111., 
April 24, 1899. He was left an orphan at 8 years and, with an uncle, 
removed to Decatur, III., in 1836. Learned carpenters trade, which, 
with farming and rope making, occupied him until 1844. Meanwhile 
he studied law, and in 1845 was admitted to bar. In 1846 was commis- 
sioned 1st Lieut, in the 4th 111. regiment, with which he went to Mexico 
and was present at the siege of Vera Cruz and battle of Cerro Gordo. 
He resumed law practice at Decatur in 1847, and in 1848 was graduated 
from Louisville Law School. In 1849 went to California, mining, and 
in 1851 returned to Decatur. In 1860 he was elected to the state senate, 
but resigned to accept the colonelcy of the 8th 111. vols. Commanded 
brigade at capture of Forts Henry and Donelson and was promoted 
Brig. Gen. Vols. March 21, 1862. Was severely wounded at Corinth, 
and disabled until April, 1863. Meantime was made Major Gen. Vols, 
and assigned to command 16th Army Corps; resigned May, 1864, on 



228 BIOGRAPHICAL 

account of his wounds. In 1864-69 he was governor of Illinois, and in 
1872 was re-elected but declined the office to become United States 
Senator 1873-79, declining re-election. Was again governor of Illinois 
1886-1889. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Americana Enc.) 

PALMER, Joseph B. Colonel 18th Tenn. (conf.). Was a promi- 
nent citizen and leading lawyer of Murfreesboro and as Captain 
organized a company in April, 1861; Colonel 18th Tenn. June 11, 1861. 
Captured at Donelson and exchanged in Aug. 1862, he again resumed 
command of the regiment. Commanded a brigade at Stone River, 
where he was wounded three times. Returned to duty in about four 
months and served for a time but was again compelled on account of 
his wounds to leave while confederate army occupied Chattanooga. 
Returned previous to and was engaged in battle of Chicka manga where 
he was again seriously wounded. Appointed Brig. Gen. Sept., 1864; 
commanded brigade during Atlanta campaign, and in Tennessee and 
the Carolinas until the surrender. (Mil. Annals Tenn.) 

PARROTT, James C. Lieut. Colonel 7th Iowa. Was Captain 7th 
Iowa and wounded at battle of Belmont. Promoted Lieut. Col. and 
commanded regiment at Fort Donelson. Served as Lieut. Col. comdg. 
7th Iowa throughout the war, mustered out July 12, 1865. Service 
Shiloh, siege of Corinth, luka, Corinth, Oct. 3, 1862, Atlanta campaign 
including Resaca, Kenesaw and Atlanta, March to the Sea and the re- 
sulting actions until the surrender. Several times commended in 
reports. (Reb. Rec. ) 

PHELPS, S. Ledyard. Lieutenant U. S. Navy. Was a passed 
midshipman in the Navy in 1853. In August, 1861, brought some of 
the new gunboats down the Ohio river to Cairo, and thereafter was 
attached to Western Flotilla. In command of gunboat "Conestoga" 
in a number of minor expeditions and reconnaissances Sept., 1861, to 
Feb., 1862, being in action several times; at Fort Henry, and in com- 
mand of expedition of three gunboats up Tenn. River Feb. 6-10, 1862. 
Promoted Lieut. Commander in the spring of 1862. Concerned in 
numerous actions and matters requiring judgment during this time, 
and highly commended by Commander Davis in confidential letter to 
Sec. of the Navy, Aug., 1862 (see Naval R.R. vol. 23, p. 324) on account 
of natural abilities and professional attainments. Placed in command, 
in Jan., 1863, of second division of ironclads (6 vessels) in Miss, squad- 
ron, and in May, 1863, was operating on Tenn. River. In November, 
1864, he was no longer in the Navy but with the Pacific Mail S. S. Co., 
as their agent at Acapulco, Mexico, and was still there in March, 1865. 
(Naval Reb. Rec; Navy Register.) 

PILLOW. Gideon J. Brig. Gen. (conf.). Born in Williamson cc, 
Tenn., June 8, 1806; died in Lee co., Ark., Oct. 6, 1878. He was gradu- 
ated at the Univ. of Nashville, Tenn., in 1827; practiced law at Colum- 
bia, Tenn. ; was a delegate to the national Dem. convention in 1844, 
and aided largely in the nomination of his neighbor, James K. Polk, 



NOTES 229 

as the candidate for president. In July, 1846, he was appointed brig- 
adier general in command of Tennessee volunteers in the Mexican 
war. He served for some time with Gen. Zachary Taylor on the Mex- 
ican frontier, subsequently joined Gen. Scott at Vera Cruz, and took 
an active part in the siege of that city, afterward being one of the 
commissioners that received its surrender from the Mexican authori- 
ties. At the battle of Cerro Gordo he commanded the right wing of 
the American army, and was severely wounded. He was promoted to 
major general April 13, 1847; was engaged in the battles of Churu- 
busco, Molino del Rey, and Chapultepec, where he was wounded. He 
differed with Gen. Scott in regard to the convention of Tacubaya, and 
the differences led to such results that Gen. Pillow requested a court 
of inquiry to try him on charges of insubordination that were made by 
Scott. The court was ordered, and he was honorably acquitted. 
After the Mexican war he resumed the practice of law in Tennessee, 
and was also largely engaged in planting. He received twenty-five 
votes for the nomination for the vice-presidency at the Democratic 
national convention in 1852. On May 9, 1861, he was appointed by 
Gov. Isham G. Harris a major general in the provisional army of the 
state of Tennessee, and aided largely in the organization of its forces. 
On July 9, 1861, he was made a Brigadier General in the provisional 
Confederate army. He commanded under Gen. Leonidas Polk at the 
battle of Belmont, Mo., Nov. 7, 1861, and was second in command 
under Gen. John B. Floyd at Fort Donelson in February, 1862. He de- 
cUned to assume the chief command and to surrender the forces at 
this fort, so, turning the place over to Gen. Simon B. Buckner, he 
escaped. He was relieved from command, but subsequently led a de- 
tachment of cavalry, and served under Beauregard in the southwest. 
He was also chief of conscripts in the western department. (App. Cyc. 
Am. Biog.) 

POLK, Leonidas. Major Gen. (conf.), Lieut. Gen. Born Raleigh, 
N.C., April 10, 1806; died on Pine Mountain, Ga., June 14, 1864. Came 
of a line of patriots and soldiers, both his grandfather and father being 
colonels and otherwise prominent during the Revolution. Educated 
at the University of North Carolina, he was graduated U.S. M.A., 1827, 
No. 8 in a class of 38, and assigned to the artillery. Resigned Dec. 1, 
1827, and was made deacon in the Protestant Episcopal church 1830 
and ordained in 1831. In 1838 he was consecrated missionary bishop 
of a large diocese in the south, and continued Bishop of Louisiana until 
his death. At the beginning of the civil war his familarity with the 
Valley of the Mississippi prompted him to urge upon the confederate 
authorities the importance of holding and fortifying its strategic 
points, and amid the excitement of the time his old military training 
became uppermost in his mind. He was appointed Major General and 
under his general direction the works at New Madrid, Fort Pillow, 
Columbus, Ky., Island No. 10, Memphis and other points were con- 
structed. Commanded at the battle of Belmont, engaged at Shiloh. 



230 BIOGRAPHICAL 

In Sept. and Oct., 1862, he commanded the Army of the Mississippi, 
and fought the battle of Perryville, then commanding the armies of 
Kentucky and Mississippi he conducted the retreat from Kentucky. 
In Oct., 1862, he was promoted Lieut. Genei-al and commanded right 
wing at Stone River, also at Chickamauga, and other commands in- 
cluding Atlanta campaign, until he was killed near Marietta, Ga. (App. 
Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

PUQH, Isaac C. Colonel 41st Illinois. Served in Mexican war as 
Captain 4th 111. Vols. Engaged at Donelson, commanded a bi'jgade at 
Shiloh, Jackson, and operations in Miss., 1863, and again in 1864. 
Mustered out at expiration term of service, Aug. 20, 1864; brevet Brig. 
Gen. Vols. 1865. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Reg.) 

RANSOM, Thomas E. Q. Lieut. Colonel 11th 111.; Brig. Gen. 
Vols. Born Norwich, Vt., Nov, 29, 1834; died near Rome, Ga., Oct. 29, 
1864. Educated at Norwich University, learned civil engineering, and 
in 1851 removed to Illinois, where he engaged in business. Elected 
Major and then Lieut. Col. 11th 111. and was wounded in charge at 
Charleston, Mo., Aug. 20, 1361; again severely wounded at Donelson 
but remained on field. Promoted Colonel of the regiment; again 
wounded in the head at Shiloh early in the action, but remained with 
command through the day. Served as chief of staff to Gen. McClernand 
and inspector-general Army of the Tennessee and subsequently on the 
staff of Gen. Grant, and in Jan., 1863, promoted Brig. Gen. Vols, from 
Nov. 29, 1862. Distinguished himself at Vicksburg, at the head of a 
division in Red River campaign, taking command of the corps when 
Gen. McClernand fell ill. In the battle of Sabine Cross Roads received 
a wound in the knee from which he never recovered. Commanded a 
division, and later the 17th Corps in the operations about Atlanta, and 
though sick directed the movements of his troops in pursuit of Gen. 
Hood's army until he sank under the disease. Bre vetted Major Gen. 
Sept. 1, 1864. Both Grant and Sherman pronounced Ransom to be 
among the ablest volunteer generals in their commands. (App. Cye. 
Am. Biog.) 

RAWLINS, John A. Captain and Asst. Adjt. General; Brig. Gen. 
U. S. Army. Born in East Galena, 111., Feb. 13, 1831; died in Washing- 
ton, D. C, Sept. 9, 1869. He was of Scotch-Irish extraction. His 
father, Janles D. Rawhns, removed from Kentucky to Missouri and 
then to Illinois. John passed his early years on the family farm and 
attended the district school in winter. He also assisted at burning 
charcoal and hauling it to market; but this work became disagreeable 
to him as he approached manhood, and, after reading all the books 
within his reach, he attended the Mount Morris seminary in Ogle 
CO., 111., in 1852-53. His money having given out, he resumed his oc- 
cupation of charcoal burner that he might earn more; but, instead of 
returning to the seminary as he had intended, he studied law with 



NOTES 231 

Isaac P. Stevens at Galena, and in October, 1854, was admitted to the 
bar and taken into partnership by his preceptor. In 1855 Mr. Stevens 
retired, leaving the business to be conducted by Rawlins. In 1857 he 
was elected attorney for the city of Galena, and in 1860 he was nomin- 
ated for the electoral college on the Douglas ticket. During the con- 
test that followed he held a series of joint discussions with Allen C. 
Fuller, the Republican candidate, and added greatly to his reputation 
as a public speaker. At a mass-meeting at Galena on April 16, 1861, 
Rawlins was called on to speak; among those of the audience was 
Capt. Ulysses S. Grant. He was deeply impressed by the speech and 
from tliat time forth was the warm friend of Rawlins. The first act of 
Grant after he had been assigned to the command of a brigade, Aug. 
7, 1861, was to offer Rawlins the post of aide-de-camp on his staff, and 
almost immediately afterward, when Grant was appointed Brig. Gen. 
Vols., he offered Rawlins the position of Captain and Asst. Adjt. Gen., 
to date from Aug. 30, 1861. He joined Grant at Cairo, 111., Sept. 15, 
1861, and from that time was constantly with the latter till the end of 
the war, except from Aug. 1 to Oct. 1, 1864, when he was absent on 
sick leave. He was promoted Major Api'il 14, 1862; Lieut. Colonel 
Nov. 1, 1862; Brig. Gen. Vols. Aug. 11, 1863; brevet Major Gen. Vols. 
Feb. 24, 1865; chief of staff to Lieut. Gen. Grant with rank of Brig. Gen. 
U. S. A. March 3, 1865; and brevet Major Gen. U. S. A. March 13, 1865. 
Finally he was appointed Secretary of War, March 9, 1869, which office 
he held till his death. Before entei'ing the army Rawlins had never 
seen a company of uniformed soldiers nor read a book on tactics or 
military organization, but he soon developed rare executive abilities. 
During Grant's earlier career he was assistant Adjutant General, but 
as Grant was promoted and his staff became larger, Rawlins became 
chief of staff. Early after joining Grant, Rawlins acquired great in- 
fluence with him. He was bold, resolute, and outspoken in counsel, 
and never hesitated to give his opinion upon matters of importance, 
whether it was asked or not. His relations with Grant were closer 
than those of any other man, and so highly did the latter value his 
sterling qualities and his great abilities that, in a letter to Henry 
Wilson, chairman of the senate military committee, urging his confir- 
mation as Brigadier General, he declared that Rawlins was more 
nearly indispensable to him than any officer in the army. He was a 
man of austere habits, severe morals, aggressive temper, and of inflex- 
ible will, resolution and courage. He verified, re-arranged, and re- 
wrote, when necessary, all the statements of Grant's official reports, 
adhering as closely as possible to Grant's original drafts, but making 
them conform to the facts as they were understood at headquarters. 
Rawlins, as secretary of war, was the youngest member of the cabinet 
as he was the youngest member of Grant's staff when he joined it at 
Cairo in 1861. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

REED, Hugh B. Colonel 44th Indiana; engaged at Fort Donelson 
and Shiloh, and resigned Nov. 26, 1862. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Reg.) 



232 . BIOGRAPHICAL 

RHOADS, Frank L. Lieut. Col. 8th Illinois; engaged at Donelson, 
in command of a brigade Post of Jackson, Miss., Sept., 1862, and re- 
signed Oct. 7, 1862. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Reg.) 

RICHARDSON, Henry. Captain Battery D, Ist Mo. Artillery. 
Engaged at Wilson's Creek, Mo., 1861; Donelson, Corinth, 1862; in 
command of artillery of 4th Div. 15th A.C. in Tenn. and Ala., Oct. 1863, 
and mustered out at expiration term of service, June 30, 1864. (Reb. 
Rec; Vol. Reg.) 

ROSS, Leonard F. Colonel 17th 111. Inf. comdg. 3d Brig. Igt Div. 
Born Fulton co , 111., July 18, 1823. Educated in common schools and 
Jacksonville College; studied law and admitted to bar in 1845. In 1846 
joined 4th 111. vols, for Mexican war, became 1st Lieut, and was com- 
mended for services at Vera Cruz and Cerro Gordo, comdg. body guard 
of Gen. Shields. After the war resumed law practice and was probate 
judge for six years. Raised 17th 111. vols, in May, 1861, and was made 
Colonel; engaged at Donelson and Shiloh. Brig. Gen. Vols. April 25, 
1862; after evacuation of Corinth was in command of a div. stationed 
at Bolivar, Tenn.; resigned July 22d, 1863. In 1867 appointed collector 
of Internal Revenue for 9th dist. of 111.; was twice defeated as a candi- 
date for congress. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Vol. Reg.) 

ROSS, Reuben R. Captain Maury (Tenn.) Battery (conf.). Grad- 
uated from LT.S.M.A. 1853, No. 51, and assigned to infantry. Resigned 
Jan. 24, 1854, and became civil engineer Miss. & Tenn. R.R.; appointed 
Principal Clarksville Academy 1855-61. At the beginning of the war 
became Captain of a battery of Tenn. Art.; captured at Donelson, he 
was paroled at St. Louis and in July, 1862, was arrested for breaking 
his parole and was imprisoned at Camp Chase, Ohio, for some months; 
after exchange he held the temporary rank of Brig. Gen., command- 
ing a cavalry brigade in "Wheeler's Corps and was killed in action at 
Hopkinsville, Va., Dec. 16, 1864. (Reb. Rec; Cul. Reg.; So. Hist. Soc 
Papers.) 

RYAN, R. B. Lieut, (conf.) A.D.C. to Brig. Comdr. Escaped from 
Donelson before the surrender and is mentioned by Gen. Jos. Wheeler 
as being aide on his staff in 1864 as a Lieut, and as Captain in 1865. 
(Reb. Rec) 

SHACKLEFORD, James M. Colonel 25th Ky.; Brig. Gen. Vols. 
Born in Lincoln co., Ky., July 7, 1827. Educated in private schools, 
studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1854. Served in Mexican 
war as a Lieut, of vols. Organized and was Colonel of 25th Ky., 1861; 
engaged at Donelson and resigned March 22, 1862. In July, 1862, was 
volunteer aide in Ky. in pursuit of Morgan on his first raid. Appointed 
Col. 8th Ky. Cav. on its organization in Sept., 1862, and Brig. Gen. 
Vols. Jan. 2, 1863; commanded a brigade in 23d A.C. in Ky. and cap- 
tured Gen. John H. Morgan and his command in Ohio, July, 1863; 
commanded 4th Div. 23d A.C. Sept. 10, to Nov. 3, 1863, when this div. 
was formed into a cavalry corps; this he commanded for a time and 



NOTES 233 

resigned Jan. 18, 1864, resuming his profession in Evansville, Ind. In 
1880 was a presidential elector for Ind. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Reb.Ree.) 

SHAW, William T. Colonel 14th Iowa. Commanded regiment 
at Donelson, and at Shiloh where he was captured and imprisoned for 
some mouths, being at home on parole in Oct., 1862, and Dec, 1862 
was again in command of his regiment at Benton Barracks, Mo., and 
April, 1863, at Cairo, 111.; comdg. brigade at Columbus, Ky.,Dec., 1863; 
comdg. brigade in 16th A. C. during expedition to Meridian, Miss., 
Feb., 1864, and Red River campaign March — May, 1864; in command 
of 3d Div. 16th A.C. at Mempliis, July, 1864; command of this division 
and of expedition to Oxford, Miss., Aug. 1-30, 1864, and of division in 
Missouri against Price, Sept. — Oct., 1864. Mustered out at expiration 
term of service Nov. 16, 1864. (Reb. Rec. ; Vol. Reg.) 

SHIRK, James W. Lieut. U. S. Navy; Commander. Died Feb. 
10, 1873. Appointed from Pennsylvania March 26, 1849; cruising coast 
of Africa 1849-51; East India Squadron 1851-54; Home Squadron 1856- 
1858; Atlantic coast 1858. Passed Midshipman 1854, Master '55, Lieut. 
'56; on the Lakes 1859, Pacific Squadron 1859-60, Mississippi Squadron 
1861; commanded gunboat Lexington at Fort Henry and at Chicka- 
saw, Ala., Shiloh, St. Charles, Haines Bluff, Chickasaw Bayou, Ark. 
Post, Grand Gulf, and at several actions at Vicksburg, to June 4, 1863. 
Lieut. Commander July 16, 1862, and commanded ironclad Tuscnmbia 
and a division of the Miss. Squadron 1863-64, Navy Yard Phila. '66-67; 
Commander July 25, '66; European Squadron '67-68, special duty Navy 
Dept. 1869-72. (Rec. Officers of the Navy— if amersiet/.) 

SIMONTON, John M. Colonel 1st Miss, (conf.) comdg. brigade. 
Made prisoner at Donelson, he was in June, 1862, confined at Fort 
Warren and after exchange was again in command of his regiment 
and in the spring of 1863 commanded a small mixed force in Miss.; 
again captured, at Port Hudson, and Nov., 1863, had been exchanged 
and was again organizing the regiment at Okalona, Miss., where he 
was still stationed in Sept., 1864. (Reb. Rec.) 

SMITH. Charles F. Brig. Gen. Vols. ; Major Gen. Vols. Born in 
Phila., Pa., April 24, 1807; died in Savannah, Tenn., April 25, 1862; was 
the son of Dr. S. B. Smith, asst. surgeon in the army. Graduated 
U. S. M. A. 1825, No. 19, and assigned to artillery; promoted Ist Lieut. 
May, 1832, and Captain 2d Art. July 7, 1838. He served at the Military 
Academy from 1829 to 1842, as instructor tactics 1829-31, adjutant '31-8 
and as commandant of cadets to Sept., 1842. With army of Gen. 
Taylor in the military occupation of Texas in 1845-46; Mexican war 
engaged at Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, Monterey, Vera Cruz, Cerro 
Gordo, San Antonio, Churubusco, Chapultepec; the greater part of the 
time in command of a battalion of artillery serving as infantry, and 
brevetted Major, Lieut. Colonel, and Colonel for gallantr3\ From 1849 
to 1851 member of a board to devise a system of instruction for siege, 
garrison, sea coast and mountain artillery which was adopted, 1851, for 



234 BIGORAPHICAL 

the service. Promoted Major Ist Art. Nov. 25, 1854, and Lieut. Colonel 
lOtti Infantry March 3, 1855; in command of expedition to Red River 
of the North 1S56, engaged in Utah expedition '57-61, in command 
Dept. of Utah Feb., '60, to Feb., '61. Brig. Gen. Vols. Aug. 31, 1861; 
promoted Colonel 3d Inf. Sept. 1861; engaged in operations at Fort 
Henry, commanded a division at Donelson; Major Gen. Vols. March 
21, 1862; during advance to Pittsburg Landing he was taken sick and 
died April 26, 1862. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

SMITH, Francis M. Major 17th 111. Engaged, with his regiment, 
at Frederickstown, Mo., Oct. 21, 1861; in command of regiment at 
Donelson, and Shiloh; promoted Lieut. Col. April 22, 1862; comdg. 
regiment at siege of Vicksburg and until mustered out at expiration 
term of service June 4, 1864. (Reb. Rec; Vol. Reg.) 

SMITH, John E. Colonel 45th 111. Born in canton of Berne, 
Switzerland, Aug. 3, 1816; died in Chicago, 111., Jan. 29, 1897. His 
father was an officer under Napoleon, who emigrated to Philadelphia 
where the son received an academic education and became a jeweler. 
On July 23, 1861, was made Colonel 45th 111. vols.; engaged in capture 
of Forts Henry and Donelson, in battle of Shiloh and siege of Corinth; 
became Brig. Gen. Vols. Nov. 29, 1862, commanded 8th Div. 16th A. C. 
in Dec, 1862; engaged in Vicksburg campaign, in June, 1863, comdg. 
3d Div. 17th Corps and transferred to 15th Corps later, taking part in 
capture of Missionary Ridge, and Atlanta and Carolina campaigns 
1864-65. Appointed Colonel of the 27th U. S. Infantry July. 1866, and 
in 1870 was assigned to 14th Infantry; brevetted Maj. Gen. Vols. Jan. 
12, 1865, and Brig, and Maj. Gen. U. S. Army on March 2. 1867; retired 
May 19, 1881. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Reb. Rec.) 

SMITH, Morgan L. Colonel 8th Mo. comdg. 1st Brig. 3d Div. 
Born Oswego co., N.Y., March 8, 1822; died Jersey City, N.J., Dec. 29, 
1874. Moved to Indiana about 1843, enlisted in U.S. Army in 1846, dis- 
charged as orderly sergeant and at the beginning of the civil war was 
in steamboat business. Raised 8th Mo. Inf. and chosen Colonel; com- 
manded 1st Brig. 3d Div. at Fort Donelson, engaged at Siiiloh and at 
Corinth; Brig. Gen. Vols. July 16, 1862. In command of 2d Div. of 
Gen. Sherman's army and wounded at Vicksburg Dec. 28, 1862; en- 
gaged at Missionary Ridge, relief of Knoxville, and Atlanta campaign, 
later in command of Vicksburg, and resigned July 12, 1865. Subse- 
quently U. S. consul at Honolulu, declined governorship of Colorado 
territory and became a counsel at Washington, D.C. for the collection 
of claims. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Vol. Reg.) 

STONE, George H. Captain Battery K, 1st Mo. Art.; engaged at 
Donelson and Shiloh, promoted Major Sept. 26, 1862; chief of artillery, 
2d Div., at battle of Corinth, Oct. 3-4, 1862, and of 2d Div. 16th A.C. 
through 1863; mustered out at expiration term of service, June 10, '64. 
(Reb. Rec; Vol. Reg.) 



NOTES 235 

TAYLOR, Ezra. Captain Battery B, Ist 111. Art. Engaged at 
battle of Belmont, Nov. 7, 1861, and Donelson; promoted Major April 
1, 1862; chief of artillery Sherman's Div. at Shiloh and Vicksburg, Dee. 

29, 1862, siege of Vicksburg, Jackson; promoted Colonel and was 
Sherman's chief of artillery at Missionary Ridge; in 1864 was chief of 
artillery Army of Tenn. and resigned Aug. 20, 1864. (R.R. ; Vol. Reg.) 

TAYLOR, Jesse. Captain Tenn. Art. (conf.); stationed at Fort 
Henry for some months previous to its capture, he is mentioned by 
Colonel Heiman on Oct. 25, 1861, as having had experience in gunnery. 
He commanded the company of artillery which occupied the fort dur- 
ing the attack and was captured with his command. (Reb. Rec.) 

THAYER, John M. Colonel 3d Neb. comdg. 3d Brig. 3d Div. 
Born in Bellingham, Mass., Jan. 24, 1820. After graduating at Brown 
University in 1841 he studied and practiced law, and in 1854 removed 
to Nebraska, where in 1860 he was a member of the territorial legisla- 
ture, and in 1866 of the constitutional convention. Previous to his 
civil appointments he had been made Brig. Gen. of Militia, and organ- 
ized and commanded several expeditions against the Indians. In the 
civil war as Colonel of the 1st Neb. vols, he led a brigade at Donelson 
and Shiloh and was made Brig. Gen. Vols. Oct. 4, 1862; his appoint- 
ment expired March 4, 1863, and he was reappointed March 13, 1863; 
commanded a brigade and division at Vicksburg and Jackson and led 
a storming column at Chickasaw Bayou, and was brevetted Maj. Gen. 
Vols. March 13, 1865; resigned July 19, 1865, and returned to Nebraska. 
Served as U. S. Senator 1867-71 and was then appointed governor of 
Wyoming territory; elected governor of Nebraska 1886. (App. Cyc.) 

THOMPSON, Egbert. Lieut. Navy; Captain Navy. Died Jan. 5, 
1881. Appointed from N. Y., March 13, 1837; cruising, special service, 
1837-38 and 1842-43; exploring expedition 1838-42. Passed Midshipman 
June 29, 1843; Mediterranean squadron 1843-45. During Mexican war 
participated in all the active operations of the fleet; commissioned 
Lieut. Sept. 27, 1850; home squadron 1851-55, coast of Africa 1855-58; 
on steamer Fulton when wrecked off Florida by hurricane 1859, Gulf 
squadron 1860-61, commanding ironclad Pittsburgh Miss. Flotilla '61-62, 
at Donelson, Island No. 10, Fort Madrid and other actions; Commander 
1862, Captain July 26, 1867. (Rec. Officers Na\y— Harrier sley.) 

TILQHMAN, Lloyd. Brig. Gen. (conf.). Born Talbot co., Md., 
in 1816; died near Vicksburg, Miss., May 16, 1863. Graduated U.S.M. A. 
1836, No. 46 in class of 49, and assigned to 1st Dragoons; resigned Sept. 

30, 1836. Div. Eng. Baltimore & Susquehanna R. R. 1836-37 and Asst. 
Eng. engaged in survey of several railroads and public improvements 
Baltimore to 1840. Served in Mexican war as volunteer aide to Gen. 
Twiggs, and Captain Md. and D. C. Regt. vols, to July, 1848; engaged 
at Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, and defense of Matamoros; he 
then served as principal asst. engineer of the Panama div. of the 
Isthmus railroad and engineer on southern railroads until 1859. He 



236 BIOGRAPHICAL 

joined the Confederate army in 1861, was commissioned Brig. Gen. in 
1862 and surrendered at Fort Henry; exchanged in July, 1862, and 
was killed at the battle of Champion Hills May 16, 1863. (Cullum's 
Reg.; App. Cyc. Am. Biog. ; Wilcox Hist. Mex. War.) 

TUTTLE, James M. Colonel 2d Iowa. Born in Summerfield, 
Monroe co.. Ohio, Sept. 2-1, 1823; died at Casa Grande, Ariz., Oct. 24, 
1892. Was brought up on a farm in Iowa, afterwards engaged in trade 
in Van Buren co., Iowa; was elected sheriff in 1855, in '57 co. treasurer 
and in '59 recorder. At the opening of the civil war he joined~the 2d 
Iowa vols, as a Captain and became Lieut. Col., and Colonel on May 17, 
1861; engaged at Fort Donelson and at Shiloh commanded a brigade 
until Gen. W. H. L. Wallace was wounded after which he led the 2d 
Div.; promoted Brig. Gen. Vols. June 9, 1862; commanded a division 
during siege of Vicksburg; resigned June 14, 1864. Was twice defeated 
for governor of Iowa, and served several times in the legislature; en- 
gaged in farming, real estate operations and pork packing until 1877, 
and was subsequently engaged in mining operations. (Annual Enc; 
App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

VEATCH, James C. Colonel 25th Ind. comdg. 4th Brig. 2d Div. 
Born Harrison co., Ind., Dec. 19, 1819; died at Rockpoi-t, Ind., Dec. 22, 
1895. Educated in common schools and under private tutors, was ad- 
mitted to the bar, practiced for many years and was auditor of Spencer 
CO., Ind., from 1841 to 1855; in the legislature 1861. Became Colonel 
25th Ind. vols. Aug. 9, 1861, Brig. Gen. Vols. April 28, 1862, and brevet 
Major Gen. in Aug. 1865; engaged at Fort Donelson, Shiloh, sieges of 
Corinth and Vicksburg, the Atlanta campaign, the siege and capture 
of Mobile and many other actions. He became adjutant general of 
Ind. in 1869 and was collector of internal revenue from April, 1870, to 
August, 1883. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

WALKE, Henry. Commander U. S. Navy, comdg. U. S. S. Caron- 
dolet; Rear Admiral July 13, 1870. Born near Portsmouth, Va., Dec. 
24, 1808; died in Brooklyn, N.Y., March 8, 1896. He was appointed a 
midshipman in the United States Navy Feb. 1, 1827; promoted passed 
midshipman, June 10, 1833; Lieutenant Feb. 6, 1839; Commander Sept. 
14, 1855; Captain July 16, 1862; Commodore July 25, 1866; and Rear 
Admiral July 13, 1870; was retired April 26, 1881. His first important 
service was rendered during the Mexican war as executive officer of 
the bomb biig Vesuvius, when he took part in the capture of Vera 
Cruz and the successful operations against Tabasco, Tuspan, and 
Alvarado. Immediately prior to the beginning of the civil war he was 
on duty at the Pensacola Navy Yard, where he adopted measures that 
prevented the occupation of Fort Pickens by the Confederates. He 
also on his own lesponsibility and conti-arj- to the orders of his 
superior officers and the Secretary of the Navy, secured the safety of 
all loyal officers, sailors, marines and government employees at that 
station and removed them to New York on the seizure of the navy 



NOTES 237 

yard. For this disobedience of orders he was court martialed and 
publicly reprimanded by Secretary Welles, though unofficially his 
action was commended. On Sept. 6, 1861, he was ordered to duty with 
the Mississippi flotilla and was given command of the gunboat Taylor. 
At the battle of Belmont he commanded the squadron that cooperated 
with General Grant and prevented the Confederates from cutting off 
a part of the National army on its retreat to the transports, a service 
for which he was officially complimented by General Grant. He was 
then given command of the gunboat Carondelet, carrying 13 guns and 
partially ironclad. In this vessel he took part in the battles of Ports 
Henry and Donelson. With the same vessel he took part in the bom- 
bardment of Island No. 10 on March 17, and on April 4 ran the gauntlet 
of the Confederate batteries and principally captured the batteries 
below the island on the 6th and 7th. At the battle of Port Pillow he 
led the fleet and rescued the gunboat Cincinnati and at Memphis, June 
6, he was second in the hne of battle and his gunboat was the principal 
one that engaged the ram Arkansas. At the battle of Grand Gulf, 
April 29, 1863, he led the second division of the fleet. Subsequently 
he dispersed the Confederates under Gen. Taylor at Simmesport, La.; 
blockaded the mouth of Red River, commanded the Saerameiito in 
search of the Alabama, blockaded the Confederate steamer Rappahan- 
nock at Calais, Prance, till the close of the war, and intercepted her 
when she escaped into British waters under the British flag. (Ann. Cyc.) 

WALLACE, Lewis. Brig. Gen. Vols, comdg. division; Major 
General Vols. Born Brook ville, Ind., April 10, 1827; died, 1905. His 
father was a graduate of the U.S.M.A., congressman, and governor of 
Indiana. Gen. Wallace was educated in a seminary and by a private 
tutor, and at the beginning of the Mexican war was a law student. 
Recruited a company of which he was made 2d Lieut.— Co. H, 1st Ind. 
vols.— which served with Gen. Taylor's army but without participating 
in any serious action, and was mustered out about June, 1847, when he 
resumed practice of his profession; served four years in the state 
senate, and wrote one book. The Fair God; in 1856 commenced the 
study of miUtary art and organized a militia company; in 1861 was 
appointed Adjt. Gen. of Indiana, and soon after became Colonel 11th 
Ind. vols., with which he served in West Virginia, participating in 
capture of Romney and Harper's Perry. Appointed Brig. Gen. Vols. 
Sept. 3, 1861. Commanded a division at Donelson and was appointed 
Major Gen. Vols. March 21, 1862; engaged at Shiloh. In 1863 he pre- 
pared the defenses of Cincinnati and was subsequently assigned to 
command of Middle Dept. and 8th Army Corps at Baltimore, Md.; 
fought the battle of Monocacy; mustered out in 1865 and resumed the 
practice of law. Governor of Utah 1878-81 and minister to Turkey 
1881-85; lectured extensively and author of several well-known books. 
(App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Autobiography.) 

WALLACE, William H. L. Colonel 11th 111. comdg. brigade; 
Brig. Gen. Vols. Born Urbana, Ohio, July 8, 1821; died Savannah, 



238 BIOGRAPHICAL 

Tenn., April 10, 1862. He removed with his father to Illinois in 1832, 
studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1846, but the same year 
volunteered as a private in the 1st 111. for the Mexican war. He rose 
to the rank of Adjutant, participated in the battle of Buena Vista and 
other engagements, and after the war resumed his profession, be- 
coming district attorney in 1853. In May, 1861, he was appointed Col. 
of the 11th Ills. vols, and commanded a brigade at Donelson, after 
which he was appointed Brig. Gen. Vols. ; was mortally wounded at 
Shiloh. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 

WEBSTER, Joseph D. Colonel U. S. Vols., chief of staff. Born 
Old Hampton, N. H., Aug. 25, 1811; died Chicago, 111., March 12, 1876. 
Was graduated at Dartmouth, 1832, and read law but became a clerk in 
the engineer and war offices in Washington; was made U. S. civil en- 
gineer in 1835 and appointed 2d Lieut. Topographical Engineers U. S. 
Army on July 7, 1838; served through the Mexican war, promoted 1st 
Lieut. July, 1849, and Captain March 3d, 1853, but resigned April 7, 1854. 
Removed to Chicago where he was president of the commission that 
perfected a remarkable system of sewerage and raised the grade of 
that city. At the beginning of the civil war he had charge of the con- 
struction of fortifications at Cairo, 111., and Paducah, Ky., in April, 
1861; appointed Major and Paymaster U. S. Vols. June 1, 1861, and 
Colonel 1st 111. Light Artillery, vols., Feb. 1, 1862. Was chief of Gen. 
Grant's staff for several months; present at capture of Forts Henry 
and Donelson and at Shiloh was also chief of artillery and assembled 
the artillery on the ridge above Pittsburg Landing which on the first 
day finally checked the Confederate advance. Continued as chief of 
staff until Oct., 1862, when he was detailed by War Dept. to make a 
survey of the 111. & Mich, canal; commissioned Brig. Gen. Vols. Nov. 
29, 1862, and after serving as military governor of Memphis and as 
supt. of military railroads was again Grant's chief of staff in the 
Vicksburg campaign, and from 1864 until the close of the war held the 
same post under Gen. Sherman; was with Gen. Thomas at the battle 
of Nashville. Brevetted Maj. Gen. Vols. March 13, 1865; resigned 
Nov. 6, 1865, and returned to Chicago, where he was assessor of 
internal revenue, 1869-72, and then collector of revenue. (Ap.C.A. B.) 

WELKER, Frederick. Captain Battery F, 1st Mo. Artillery. 
Engaged at Donelson, Shiloh, Corinth, and in Oct., 1863, commanded 
a battalion of artillery, Army of Tenn.; promoted Major and served 
with Army of Tenn. throughout the war, commanding in Dec, 1864, 
the Reserve Artillery of that army, and later the artillery of the 17th 
Army Corps; several times mentioned for bravery in reports. ( R. R.) 

WHARTON, Gabriel C. Colonel 51st Va. (conf.) comdg. brigade. 
The 51st Va. was organized in West Virginia and arrived at Fort 
Donelson with Floyd's command and left with him. The organizations 
were then furloughed and April 16, 1862, were ordered assembled, arid 
May 10 Col. Wharton was at Wytheville, Va., reorganizing Floyd's old 
brigade and recruits, and commanded this brigade in West Va. en- 



NOTES 239 

gaged in several actions, until July 10, 1863, when Gen. Lee ordered 
his command into the Shenandoah Valley. He was retained in com- 
mand of about a brigade, and Sept., 1863, was promoted Brig. Gen. to 
date from Nov. 18, 1862, Continued to command a brigade in the 
Valley and later a division in Breckenridge's (.'orps of Early's com- 
mand, taking part in the battles and engagements in the Valley 
throughout the remainder of the war. (Reb. Rec. ; So. Hist. Soc. Papers. ) 

WOODS, Joseph J. Colonel 12th Iowa. Born Brown co., Ohio, 
Jan. 11, 1823; died Montana township, Kan., Sept. 27, 1889. Entered 
U.S.M.A. 1843, being the immediate successor of Grant, and was grad- 
uated 1847, No. 3 in class of 38, and assigned to the artillery; promoted 
1st Lieut. 1st Art., Oct. 29, 1848; served on Atlantic and Pacific coasts, 
resigned Oct. 31, 1853, and engaged in farming in Jackson co., Iowa. 
Appointed Colonel 12th Iowa Vols. Nov. 25, 1861 ; engaged at Donelson, 
wounded at Shiloh, engaged at capture of Jackson, siege of Vicksburg 
and minor actions; commanded a brigade in 16th A. C. June 11 — Oct. 
19, 1864; mustered out expiration term of service, Nov. 22, 1864, and 
returned to his farm. Editor of a paper 1865-69; member of Kansas 
legislature 1872-75. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.; Cullum's Reg.) 

WRIGHT, Crafts J. Colonel 13th Mo. Born in Troy, N. Y., July 
13, 1808; died Chicago, 111. July 23, 1883. Was graduated No. 31 at 
U. S. M. A. 3828, and appointed brevet 2d Lieut, of Infantry, but re- 
signed Nov. 8, 1828; studied law, was admitted to the Ohio bar 1830. 
In 1840 became assistant editor of the Cincinnati Gazette and from 1847 
to 1854 was president of the Gazette company, after which he again 
practiced law. Aided in organizing the first telegraph company in 
the west and became one of its directors. At the beginning of the civil 
war he entered the Union army as Colonel of the 8th Mo. vols, but or- 
ganized and was appointed Colonel of the 13th Mo., Aug. 13, 1861; 
served in Tenn. campaign of 1862; March, 1862, was in command of 
Clarksville, and was later ordered to Shiloh, where he commanded a 
brigade; also engaged in Miss, campaign and in siege of Corinth where 
he remained ill many weeks until he resigned on Sept. 16, 1862. The 
president nominated him as Brig. Gen. Vols, but he resigned before he 
could be confirmed by senate; subsequently engaged in farming in 
Glendale, Ohio, but afterward lived in Chicago, where in 1876 he was 
made steward of the marine hospital. (App. Cyc. Am. Biog.) 



FINIS 





James E. Bailey 



John C. Brown 




Wm. E. Baldwin- 





Simon B." BUCKNER 



Lewis R. Clark 




Nathan B. Fokrest 



Jeremy F. Gilmer 



I 





U. S. Grant, (before Donelson) 



U. S. Grant, {Hhiloh) 




U. S. Grant, before Vickuburrj) 





John Gregg 



Henry W. Halleck 




BusHROD R. Johnson 



Albert S. Johnston 





Jacob G. Lauman 



Hylan B. Lyon 




John MacArthur 



John McCausland 





John A. McClernand 



Geo. F. McGinnis 




Jas. B. McPhebson 





BlOHABD J. OgLESBY 



Joseph B. Palmer 




Wm. a. Quarles 



Thos. E. G. Ransom 





John A. Rawlins 



Leonard F. Ross 




Jas. M. Shackelford 





Chas. p. Smith 



John E. Smith 




Jas. M. Tuttle 



James C. Veatch 




Joseph D. Webster 



Gabriel C. Wharton 



APPENDIX A 



Report of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War* 

Washington. July 9, 1862. 
General Lewis Wallace sworn and examined. 

By Mr. Oovode: 

Question. Where do you reside? , 

Answer. In the State of Indiana. 

Question. What is your position and rank in the army? 

Answer. I am major general of Volunteers. 

Question. Will you please give us as condensed a statement as 
,you can conveniently of what you have witnessed about the conduct 
in the west that may be of interest and importance to this committee? 

Answer. In the first place I would state that my knowledge of 
operations in the west extend only to the conduct of my own particu- 
lar command. I do not think I ever had the honor to be present at a 
council of war except upon one occasion. 

Question. What occasion was that? 

Answer. That was the day before the tioops marched from Fort 
Henry to the attack on Donelson. I was tiien a brigadier general, 
commanding a brigade. Upon notice from General Grant, I, with oth- 
ers commanding brigades, went on board his boat and attended a 
council of war. The question before us was whether the troops should 
immediately march upon Donelson or not. It was a very uncere- 
monious council of war; no formal opinions were expressed at all. 
We all appeared to be of the same opinion, and that was that the 
troops should march upon Donelson. We being, as I said, quite unani- 
mous on that point, of course there was no debate. Marching upon 
Donelson being agreed upon, the question was as to the time of march- 
ing. There were some who held to the opinion that we should march 
immediatelj'. A few thought we better wait a day or two for re-en- 
forcements. The result of it was that the main body of troops 
marched at once. I was left behind on that occasion, with my brigade, 
in command of Fort Henry. The rest of the troops were gone two 
days before I received an order to briug my command up. I immedi- 
ately marched with my command and reached there on Friday. Of 
course I was ignorant of the position of our army, and knew nothing 
of the lines of the enemy. I arrived at Fort Donelson, and was put 
in command of a division. I had no time to organize my division, ex- 
cept as it marched past me, going to take its position. I had my po- 

*Part III, p 337; published at Government Printing Office, Wash- 
ington, 1863. 241 



242. DONELSON CAMPAIGN SOURCES 

sition assigned to me, and went and took it. The battle opened on 
Saturday morning. My orders were simply to hold the position I oc- 
cupied, which was in the centre of the line of attack. I was to hold it 
for the purpose of repelling any sally from the enemy's lines. I had no 
authority whatever given me to make an offensive movement, and 
I accordingly held my position. The battle commenced early Saturday 
morning on the extreme right. General McClernand's command was 
attacked, the object of the enemy being, if possible, to drive him from 
the right, that they might have a road by which to get out from the 
fort. I did not see it; i knew nothingaboutthe particulars of theiight. 
I only knew that it was McClernand's command that was engaged. 

I very soon, however, saw the results; I saw a large portion of his 
command coming back in confusion. I had in the meantime sent in a 
portion of my command to re-onforce him. The brigade I sent him 
reached him, but, like all the rest, it was compelled to fall back. I am 
glad to say, however, that it fell back in good order. The prospec t 
looked ver}^ gloomy for a little while. I could find nobody wlio 
could give me an intelligent opinion or account of what was tram-pii - 
ing. It was a matter of great solicitude to me to know whether the 
enemy were pursuing. I finally saw iin officer, now dead, and through 
information obtained from him, I obtained some knowledge which en- 
abled me to take up a position with my remaining troops, and fortu- 
nately took it just in time to repel the enemy. They were following 
in rapid pursuit but weie repulsed. There was no fighting after that 
until about 3 o'clock in the day. 

About 3 o'clock I was ordered to take my command over to the 
right and make an attack there, for the purpose of recovering the 
road that had been lost in the morning. I did so. My command im- 
mediately took the position and held it all that night. In the morn- 
ing, while I was making dispositions to storm the works of the enemy, 
they sent out a flag of truce, and told me that they had surrendei-ed, 
and that the place was ours. Of course, I marched in and took pos- 
session of that side of the fort. 

Question. How many prisoners did you lake there? 

Answer. I never saw the official report of them. My opinion, 
however, formed from the statements of rebel officers, is, that between 
13,000 and 15,000 prisoners were taken there. I went over the ground 
and came to the conclusion that it was a matter of marvel, and mu^t 
always remain a matter of marvel, that we took the place. I was not 
more rejoiced than astonished at our success. 

Question. If it had not been for the decision of your council to 
move forward, and to do it promptly, is it not very probable that your 
campaign there might have been a failure? 

Answer. To do General Grant justice, I will say that I became 
satisfied at the council that it was his determination to march in any 
event. I am satisfied that he had determined in his own mind, no 
matter what the opinion of the council might have been, to mai'ch 
on Donelson. I am therefore satisfied that the result would have been 



APPENDIX A 243 

the same, no matter what opinion the council niiglit have reached. 

Question. Did you get your instructions from Washington how to 
proceed in those matters, or did they come from officers in the west? 
What do you know about that? 

Answer. AH I knew about orders was when I received them my- 
self. I received them through the proper cliannel. I always under- 
stood as a matter of course, that all orders for movements came from 
(ieneral Halleck. Those I received were passed down through the 
regular channels to me. 

Question. Was there any time or opportunity, while operating at 
Donelson, for' you to receive orders from Washington by telegraph? 
Answer. I do not know. 

Question. How far were you from the nearest telegraph station? 
Answer. The nearest I think was at l^ndncah. 
Question. How far off was that? 
Answer. Probably some forty or fifty miles. 
Question. Too far off to direct a battle, of course? 
Answer. I think so. After the battle of Fort Henry the wires 
were brought up to Smithland, and then they were very promptly 
brought across to Fort Henry. That was after the battle of Donelson, 
however, whether the march upon Donelson was ordered by General 
Halleck or whether it was undertaken by General Grant of his own. 
accord, I do not know. I do not know who indicated that movement. 
Question. Is it a common thing in battles for commanders of di- 
visions and brigades to know so little about what is going on, about 
the position of the enemy, &c? It would appear that there is a great 
deal of uncertainty as to what is going on. 

Answer. I kjiow nothing about other ;irniies. But I have under- 
stood from what military reading I have had, that every army, 
whether on the march or in action, has its head, and that all move- 
ments come from that head, as a matter of course. 

Question. From your statement it would appejir that there was 
not much connexion between the heads of divisions in this battle of 
Donelson. Do not I so understand it? 

Answer. Yes, sir; you do. I saw General Grant in the battle of 
Donelson on Saturday but once. I saw his adjutant general and one of 
his aids passing along the lines on different occasions. But I saw Gen- 
eral Grant but once, and that was at three o'clock in the afternoon. 
He then ordered this attack on the night I have spoken of. He first 
gave the order to General MeClernand; but General McClernand not 
having the troops in readiness at the time, requested me to make the 
attack. I sent two or three messages to General Grant on Saturday' 
morning, while the disaster to McClernand was occurring, requesting 
or askitig permission to send him re-enforeements. But my messen- 
gers did not get to him. He afterwards explained it by saying, that at 
that time he was on board the gunboats. I, however, assumed the re- 
sponsibility of sending re-enforcements to General McClernand. 
Question. You had to act on your own judgment? 



244. DONELSON CAMPAIGN SOURCES 

Answer. In that particular, I did. 

Question. And in doing so you saved the army did you not? 

Answer. lam satisfied my command repulsed the enemy; I know 
they did. They were not pursued. 

Question. Please proceed and state in regard to your movements 
after that. 

Answer. After the battle of Donelson, an hour after General 
Grant arrived and took possession of the town of Dover, and the ene- 
my's works, and the prisoners, I received an order to proceed with my 
division hack to Fort Henry. I immediately proceeded to execute^he 
order, and what took place at Donelson afterwards I do not know. I 
marched back to Fort Henry, put my division in position there, and 
lay there for some days. I then received information that we were 
going up the river. The transports arrived and our troops were put 
on board. We moved up the river in a kind of column. General C. F. 
Smith was in command of that movement. That part of it, I think, 
was unquestionably conducted with most soldierly ability. There is 
no doubt of that; it was a very orderly proceeding. The embarking 
of so many troops on board the transports, always a matter of consid- 
erable difficulty, was done in good order and with celerity. 



a OF p. 

MAY n >:m 



MAPS IN THREE SHEETS 



1. General Map- 

From Plates 150 & 153 R. R. 

2. Five Plates Forts Henry & Donelson- 

From Plate 11 R. R. 

3. Fort Donelson— Compilation 






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